Discrimination against gay, lesbian, bisexual, and transgender Americans remains pervasive given the current lack of anti-discrimination legislation at both the federal and state levels. Specifically, discrimination in the workplace based on sexual orientation or gender identity remains legal in most states, while the federal government has failed to expand employment discrimination protections to LGBT employees.
In the French republican context, discrimination only emerged as a social issue during the 1990s, driven by public policies, in particular European policies, but also by scientific, community and trade union actors. During the decade, and before they became an institutional concern, several pioneering work in social sciences addressed discriminatory phenomena. ; Dans le contexte républicain français, les discriminations n'ont émergé comme question sociale qu'au cours des années 1990, sous l'impulsion des politiques publiques, notamment européennes, mais aussi d'acteurs scientifiques, associatifs et syndicaux.Tout au long de la décennie, et avant qu'ils ne deviennent un sujet de préoccupation institutionnelle, plusieurs travaux précurseurs en sciences sociales se sont penchés sur les phénomènes discriminatoires.
The paper forms part of the project 'GenderRace - The Use of Racial Anti-Discrimination Laws: Gender and Citizenship in a Multicultural Context', funded by the EU Seventh Framework Programme, Grant Agreement - SSH7-CT-2007-217237 ; Acknowledgement: The University of Malta would like to acknowledge its gratitude to the National Commission for the Promotion of Equality for their permission to upload this work on OAR@UoM. Further reuse of this document can be made, provided the source is acknowledged. ; This paper provides an introduction to the issue of multiple discrimination and the problems it presents in law. It analyses how the law in many European countries deals with cases of multiple discrimination. It will discuss the GendeRace Project, a project which aimed to evaluate the effectiveness of racial discrimination laws in a gender perspective, and some of its findings. This paper will also examine some alternative ways of addressing multiple discrimination in law and will give examples of good practice, some of which are based on the findings of the GenderRace project. The focus of the lessons that can be learned from these examples will be on the European Union level. ; peer-reviewed
Algorithmic identity politics reinstate old forms of social segregation—in a digital world, identity politics is pattern discrimination. It is by recognizing patterns in input data that artificial intelligence algorithms create bias and practice racial exclusions thereby inscribing power relations into media. How can we filter information out of data without reinserting racist, sexist, and classist beliefs? ; Clemens Apprich: Introduction Hito Steyerl: A Sea of Data: Pattern Recognition and Corporate Animism (Forked Version) Florian Cramer: Crapularity Hermeneutics: Interpretation as the Blind Spot of Analytics, Artificial Intelligence, and Other Algorithmic Producers of the Postapocalyptic Present Wendy Hui Kyong Chun: Queerying Homophily Clemens Apprich: Data Paranoia: How to Make Sense of Pattern Discrimination
We will seek to demonstrate that the issue of white identity is central to the elucidation of the power mechanisms of the slavery system in force from xvie in the 19th century in America and the Caribbean. It will be shown that intersectional analysis of discrimination makes it possible, on the one hand, to highlight the central role of laundry in understanding multiple discrimination and the mechanisms by which one social group dominates another. On the other hand, it allows for a broader reflection on the process of co-creation of identity. ; International audience The article focuses on the issue of « white identity » or concept of whiteness which is central in understanding the mechanism of power resulting from the slavery system in force from the 16th to the 19th century in America and the Caribbean.Intersectionality enables us on the one hand to spotlight the major role of whiteness in understanding multiple discriminations and how mechanisms of power work. On the other hand, intersectionality allows a wider analysis of the process of co-creation of group identity. ; We will seek to demonstrate that the issue of white identity is central to the elucidation of the power mechanisms of the slavery system in force from xvie in the 19th century in America and the Caribbean. It will be shown that intersectional analysis of discrimination makes it possible, on the one hand, to highlight the central role of laundry in understanding multiple discrimination and the mechanisms by which one social group dominates another. On the other hand, it allows for a broader reflection on the process of co-creation of identity. ; Nous nous attacherons à démontrer que la question de l'identité blanche est centrale dans l'élucidation des mécanismes de pouvoir issus du système esclavagiste en vigueur du xvie au xixe siècle en Amérique et dans les Caraïbes. Nous montrerons que l'analyse intersectionnelle des discriminations permet d'une part de mettre en exergue la place centrale de la blanchité dans la compréhension des ...
In all three chapters of this dissertation, I try to see whether discrimination and own-group preferences exist, in different contexts, and what kind of public policies could mitigate or balance the negative effect of these preferences. In my first chapter, I rely on a famous ruling that changed the monopsony power of firms to see whether, as predicted by Becker, market failures have an impact on wage discrimination. I find that as monopsony power decreases, firms are no longer able to act on their prejudice, and wage discrimination disappears. This result shows that labour market context is essential in evaluating public policies, and that prejudice need not necessarily translate into wage discrimination. In the second chapter, I analyse the effect of another public policy, a 2015 reform that imposed gender quotas in academic recruitment committees. The reasoning of the policymakers was that increasing the share of women evaluators would improve the outcomes for women. I find the opposite instead; women are ranked worse by hiring committees after the reform. However, this result does not show that women discriminate against women. There is some evidence that this result is caused by the reaction of male jurors to the reform, since the negative effect of the reform is found only in committees that are helmed by male jury presidents. This chapter shows that it is necessary to evaluate public policies, lest reforms that are well-meaning in intention turn out to cause more harm than good. In the third and final chapter, I show two stylised facts: When cities decline, they tend to become more black, and black residents are disproportionately located in cities that pay low wages. One explanation for this could be that living in cities with a larger share of black residents is a positive amenity for black workers. I try to see whether workers have preferences for living in cities that have a larger share of co-ethnic residents, when controlling for wages, rents, transfers and network amenities. I find that these ...
In all three chapters of this dissertation, I try to see whether discrimination and own-group preferences exist, in different contexts, and what kind of public policies could mitigate or balance the negative effect of these preferences. In my first chapter, I rely on a famous ruling that changed the monopsony power of firms to see whether, as predicted by Becker, market failures have an impact on wage discrimination. I find that as monopsony power decreases, firms are no longer able to act on their prejudice, and wage discrimination disappears. This result shows that labour market context is essential in evaluating public policies, and that prejudice need not necessarily translate into wage discrimination. In the second chapter, I analyse the effect of another public policy, a 2015 reform that imposed gender quotas in academic recruitment committees. The reasoning of the policymakers was that increasing the share of women evaluators would improve the outcomes for women. I find the opposite instead; women are ranked worse by hiring committees after the reform. However, this result does not show that women discriminate against women. There is some evidence that this result is caused by the reaction of male jurors to the reform, since the negative effect of the reform is found only in committees that are helmed by male jury presidents. This chapter shows that it is necessary to evaluate public policies, lest reforms that are well-meaning in intention turn out to cause more harm than good. In the third and final chapter, I show two stylised facts: When cities decline, they tend to become more black, and black residents are disproportionately located in cities that pay low wages. One explanation for this could be that living in cities with a larger share of black residents is a positive amenity for black workers. I try to see whether workers have preferences for living in cities that have a larger share of co-ethnic residents, when controlling for wages, rents, transfers and network amenities. I find that these preferences are significant, and then try to see what share of the wage gap these preferences, and the imperfect sorting they imply, could explain. ; Dans les trois chapitres de cette thèse, j'étudie l'effet des préjugés et des préférences discriminatoires sur le marché du travail. Je m'intéresse aussi à l'efficacité de politiques publiques qui ont pour objectif d'atténuer les effets négatifs de ces préférences. Dans mon premier chapitre, je m'appuie sur un arrêt célèbre qui a changé le pouvoir de monopsone des entreprises pour voir si, comme l'avait prédit Becker, les défaillances du marché ont un impact sur la discrimination salariale. Mes résultats montrent que lorsque le pouvoir de monopsone diminue, la discrimination salariale disparaît. Ce résultat montre que les préjugés ne doivent pas nécessairement se traduire par une discrimination salariale. Dans le deuxième chapitre, j'analyse l'effet d'une autre politique publique, une réforme de 2015 qui a imposé des quotas de genre dans les comités de sélection académique en France. L'objectif de cette réforme était d'améliorer les classements des femmes en augmentant la part des celles-ci dans les comités. En évaluant la réforme, je trouve l'effet inverse ; les femmes sont moins bien classées par les comités de recrutement après la réforme. Cependant, ce résultat ne montre pas que les femmes ont une préférence pour les hommes. L'effet négatif de la réforme ne se trouve que dans les commissions dirigées par des présidents de jury masculins, ce qui suggère que le comportement des hommes a peut-être lui aussi changé suite à la réforme. Ce chapitre démontre qu'il est nécessaire d'évaluer les politiques publiques, afin d'éviter que des réformes bien intentionnées ne causent plus de mal que de bien. Dans le troisième et dernier chapitre, je m'intéresse aux choix de localisation des individus. Je m'intéresse tout particulièrement à la question suivante : Les travailleurs préfèrent-ils habiter dans une ville avec une proportion plus importante de résidents du même groupe ethnique qu'eux, ceteris paribus ? J'utilise un modèle d'équilibre spatial qui permet de répondre à cette question. En contrôlant pour les salaires, les loyers, les revenus de transfert et les réseaux des individus, ces préférences sont comparables aux salaires réels dans les choix de localisation des villes des individus. Je simule ensuite le modèle pour essayer de voir quel est l'impact de ces préférences sur les écarts de salaires entre travailleurs blancs et noirs aux États-Unis.
This open access short reader provides a state of the art overview of the discrimination research field, with particular focus on discrimination against immigrants and their descendants. It covers the ways in which discrimination is defined and conceptualized, how it is measured, how it may be theorized and explained, and how it might be combated by legal and policy means. The book also presents empirical results from studies of discrimination across the world to show the magnitude of the problem and the difficulties of comparison across national borders. The concluding chapter engages in a critical discussion of the relationship between discrimination and integration as well as pointing out promising directions for future studies. As such this short reader is a valuable read to undergraduate students, as well as graduate students, scholars, policy makers and the general public.
Escudé leads the "bilingual Lithuanian — occitan journey" of the MEEF Master's degree in ESPE/University of Toulouse 2-Jean-Jaurès. Its work in the framework of the ESC (EA 4140) deals with the teaching of languages in contact (bi/plurilingualism; intercomprehension of Roman languages; translation) and the epistemology of official texts. Pierre Escudé is also president of the Association for the Development of Bi/Plurilingualism (www.adeb-asso.org). pierre.escude@u-bordeaux.fr Summary (French): The meaning of "discrimination" is twofold. It is, first of all, purely linguistic: it is the competence to discern sounds and to reproduce meaning. It is then sociolinguistic, i.e. political: it is the disqualification of a person or group on the basis of the language spoken or how to speak a language. Forgetting the first meaning for the second, language was made the matricial place of any discrimination. Discrimination can be combated by rediscovering language issues and the reality of languages, which are naturally made of diversity and variations. Resum (Catalan): EL feelings of 'orphanacó', who are doable. Entrada purament lingüístic: the competencia of discernir sounds i of reproducing feelings. Mindful of natura sociolingüstica, a gr. política: desqualificació as una persona o from a grup closed to the Llengua parlada o a manera de parlar-la. Deixant de banda el primer sentit en benefici del segon, se ha fet of the Llengua el lloc matricial de tota discriminació. ES poden combats the discrimination that is tornising a descobrir el, which they found in el llenguatge i in the Realitat of the FETES llengües de diversitat i de variacions. Abstract (English) The meaning of the word 'discrimination' is twofold. The first meaning is purely linguistic: it is the ability to distinguish sounds and to reproduce meaning. The second is sociolinguistic, which is to say, political: it is the rejection of a person or a whole group on the basis of the language they speak or the way they speak it. By forgetting the first ...
Contemporary discrimination law is in crisis, both methodologically and conceptually. The crisis arises in large part from the judiciary's dependence on comparators—those who are like a discrimination claimant but for the protected characteristic—as a favored heuristic for observing discrimination. The profound mismatch of the comparator methodology with current understandings of identity discrimination and the realities of the modern workplace has nearly depleted discrimination jurisprudence and theory. Even in run-of-the-mill cases, comparators often cannot be found, particularly in today's mobile, knowledge-based economy. This difficulty is amplified for complex claims, which rest on thicker understandings of discrimination developed in second-generation intersectionality, identity performance, and structural discrimination theories. By treating comparators as an essential element of discrimination, instead of as a heuristic device to help discern whether discrimination has occurred, courts have largely foreclosed these other theories from consideration. At the same time, courts have further shrunk the very idea of discrimination by disregarding a central lesson from harassment and stereotyping jurisprudence: discrimination can occur without a comparator present. The comparator methodology retains its appeal, despite these deficiencies, because its empirical patina permits courts to evaluate discrimination claims without appearing to engage in a subjective analysis of workplace dynamics. Given the complex nature of both identity and discrimination, however, the comparisons produce a false certainty at best. By contrast, alternate methodologies, including the contextual consideration favored in harassment and stereotyping jurisprudence as well as the hypothetical comparator embraced in European law, offer a meaningful framework for matching discrimination law and norms to workplace facts, while preserving judicial legitimacy. With comparators dislodged from their methodological pedestal, we may yet recover space for the renewed development of discrimination jurisprudence and theory.
In the fust two or three decades after the Second World War there was a considerable movement internationally to address issues relating to the well being of people in the work force. Part of this overall thrust saw the development in many countries of comprehensive health and safety legislation of the type that New Zealand has just introduced
History is replete with overt discrimination on the basis of race, gender, age, citizenship, ethnicity, marital status, academic performance, health status, volume of market transactions, religion, sexual orientation, etc. However, these forms of discrimination are not equally tolerable. For example, discrimination based on immutable or prohibitively unalterable characteristics such as race, gender, or ethnicity is much less acceptable. Why? I develop a simple rent-seeking model of conflict which is driven by either racial (gender or ethnic) discrimination or generational discrimination (i.e., young versus old). When the conflicts are mutually exclusive, I find that racial discrimination is socially intolerable for a much wider range of parameter values relative to generational discrimination. When they are not mutually exclusive, I find that racial discrimination can be socially intolerable while generational discrimination is socially tolerable. The converse is not true. My results are not driven by a stronger intrinsic aversion to discrimination on the basis of immutable characteristics. I am able to explain why some forms of discrimination (e.g., racism) are much less tolerable than other forms of discrimination (e.g., age discrimination) without making any value judgements about either form of discrimination.
Dans le contexte républicain français, les discriminations n'ont émergé comme question sociale qu'au cours des années 1990, sous l'impulsion des politiques publiques, notamment européennes, mais aussi d'acteurs scientifiques, associatifs et syndicaux.Tout au long de la décennie, et avant qu'ils ne deviennent un sujet de préoccupation institutionnelle, plusieurs travaux précurseurs en sciences sociales se sont penchés sur les phénomènes discriminatoires.
Dans le contexte républicain français, les discriminations n'ont émergé comme question sociale qu'au cours des années 1990, sous l'impulsion des politiques publiques, notamment européennes, mais aussi d'acteurs scientifiques, associatifs et syndicaux.Tout au long de la décennie, et avant qu'ils ne deviennent un sujet de préoccupation institutionnelle, plusieurs travaux précurseurs en sciences sociales se sont penchés sur les phénomènes discriminatoires.
Dans le contexte républicain français, les discriminations n'ont émergé comme question sociale qu'au cours des années 1990, sous l'impulsion des politiques publiques, notamment européennes, mais aussi d'acteurs scientifiques, associatifs et syndicaux.Tout au long de la décennie, et avant qu'ils ne deviennent un sujet de préoccupation institutionnelle, plusieurs travaux précurseurs en sciences sociales se sont penchés sur les phénomènes discriminatoires.
