Human Rights Advocacy on Gender Issues: Challenges and Opportunities
In: Journal of Human Rights Practice, Band 1, Heft 1, S. 83-100
In: Journal of Human Rights Practice, Band 1, Heft 1, S. 83-100
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Working paper
In: Lynn Wardle, Scott Fitzgibbon, A Scott Loveless (eds), The Jurisprudence of Marriage and Other Intimate Relationships (WS Hein & Co, 2010) 329
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In: University of Chicago, Public Law Working Paper No. 271
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In: CESifo Working Paper Series No. 2842
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In this paper experiences of Danish children born of war will be analysed. The question is to what extent the biological background as a child fathered by a German soldier has been of importance for the child's life course. Firstly, the military context of the occupation will be summarised. Thereafter, information on the Danish women who had relationships with German soldiers will be presented as well as their position within Danish society during and after World War II. This is important in order to understand which options the fraternising women had, in particular when pregnant or mother of a child born of war. Finally, the situation and experiences of the children of German soldiers and local Danish women during the occupation of Denmark will be discussed. In summary, the results indicate a differentiated picture of this group, both in relation to experiences and life situation as well as with regard to attitudes towards their own biological origin and the impact this has had on their life course. ; In diesem Aufsatz sollen Erfahrungen von Kindern deutscher Soldaten und Däninnen analysiert werden, die während der Besatzung Dänemarks im 2. Weltkrieg geboren wurden. Die Frage ist, inwieweit die biologische Herkunft als Kind eines deutschen Soldaten für den Lebensweg von Bedeutung gewesen ist. Zuerst soll der militärische Kontext der Okkupation Dänemarks durch Deutschland kurz zusammengefasst werden. Danach wird auf die dänischen Frauen eingegangen, die eine Beziehung zu einem deutschen Soldaten hatten, sowie deren Situation während und nach dem 2. Weltkrieg. Dies ist wichtig, um zu verstehen, welcher Handlungsrahmen für die fraternisierenden Däninnen vorhanden war, vor allem wenn sie schwanger und Mutter eines Kind des Krieges wurden. Letztlich sollen die Situation und Erfahrungen der Kinder, die von Wehrmachtssoldaten und dänischen Frauen während der Okkupation in Dänemark gezeugt wurden, dargestellt und diskutiert werden. Zusammenfassend zeigen die Ergebnisse ein differenziertes Bild in Bezug auf Erlebnisse und Lebenssituationen dieser Kinder sowie ihre Einstellung zur biologischen Herkunft und deren Bedeutung für ihren Lebensweg.
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Treason is an ancient crime, but it fell into disuse in most Western democratic states after World War I. Now it is making a comeback with prosecutions or threatened prosecutions against a new type of enemy--accused terrorists--in the United States, the United Kingdom, and Israel. In the postwar period, commentators wrongly argued that treason would no longer be prosecuted because it is antiliberal, too difficult to prove, unnecessary because modern democracies are stable and secure, and premised on an extinct sense of loyalty to the state. This Article begins by debunking these claims and explaining treason's recent reappearance. First, democratic states have altered their treason laws, without explicit amendment, to make them akin to other criminal laws. Second, technology has made treason both easier to detect and easier to prove. Third, although the states discussed in this Article are generally stable and secure, states are likely to employ treason prosecutions when they perceive an existential threat (even if one does not actually exist). Finally, the betrayal inherent in treason retains both its power to injure and its power to offend, giving treason as much indignant punch as it has ever had. Treason's return is thus explainable, but is it a cause for concern? Treason prosecutions may have several potential benefits including reinforcing societal identity and unity, deterring future treasons, providing retribution against the traitor, and clarifying the procedural system under which terrorism should be addressed. But they may also pose dangers, including unduly aggrandizing the threat from terrorism, signaling weakness of the government that chooses to prosecute treason, biasing the criminal case against the defendant, and posing a difficult question about whether treason necessarily deserves the death penalty. Based on a weighing of these factors, this Article concludes by arguing that treason prosecutions are not cause for concern when they are confined to instances in which--like the U.S., British, ...
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In: Theorie bilden 16
In: World development: the multi-disciplinary international journal devoted to the study and promotion of world development, Band 36, Heft 11, S. 2341-2352
In: Socialism and democracy: the bulletin of the Research Group on Socialism and Democracy, Band 22, Heft 3, S. 160-165
ISSN: 1745-2635
In: Review of public personnel administration, Band 28, Heft 2, S. 190-196
ISSN: 1552-759X
Discrimination has long been established by the United States Supreme Court to be unconstitutional and illegal. Although the term hostile work environment is not specifically mentioned in the Civil Rights Act of 1964 (CRA), it has been most synonymous with claims of sexual harassment. Have the courts expanded the hostile work environment legal theory to include other protected classes in the CRA? This article analyzes and discusses recent appellate court cases with a claim of hostile work environment with the basis of some action other than sexual harassment. We explain why the courts, in the majority of cases, did not rule in favor of those who claimed hostile work environment, and then we summarize factors the courts used to determine their rulings. In addition, we provide suggestions to both employees and employers.
In: Russian social science review: a journal of translations, Band 49, Heft 3, S. 70-95
ISSN: 1557-7848
In: Human affairs: HA ; postdisciplinary humanities & social sciences quarterly, Band 18, Heft 1, S. 37-51
ISSN: 1337-401X
Freedom of Religion, Institution of Conscientious Objection and Political Practice in Post-Communist Slovakia1
The example of Slovakia is used to show how one of the post-socialist countries failed in fulfilling the demanding task of securing freedom of religious belief (including the right to conscientious objection) and, at the same time, securing all other human rights. An analysis of the methods used for changing the policies of pluralism and neutrality of the state into a policy of discrimination (e.g. concerning the registration duty for churches) was carried out, followed by an analysis of a mechanism used for guaranteeing freedom of conscience of the members of the Catholic Church (the so-called Vatican Treaty). The treaty violates the prohibition of discrimination against women, because it makes it more difficult for them to have access to some health care services. Our hypothesis states that the hurriedly introduced right to conscientious objection is misused in this context as a means of regulating the politics of reproduction. In general, the re-Catholisation of the Slovak Republic follows two aims—to help in the fight for votes in the elections (because 70 % of Slovaks declare their religion to be Catholic), and to improve demographic development in the Slovak Republic (declared to be catastrophic by the Catholic Church), through hindering free access to abortions.
In: China aktuell: journal of current Chinese affairs, Band 37, Heft 1, S. Special issue
ISSN: 0341-6631
World Affairs Online
In: Indiana Law Journal, Band 84, S. 135
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