The situation on the labour market in East Germany is difficult since the beginning of economic transition in the early 90's. The reasons for such a situation are complex. The implementation of single currency, the collapse of East Germany's foreign trade, the privatization method & high wages should be mentioned above all. The macroeconomic reasons for the persistently high unemployment rate are supported by microeconomic reasons, too. The unification of Germany was not perceived as a unique chance to reform the outdated German labour market. Active labour market policy measures known from the old Federal Republic of Germany were not as effective as expected. Graphs, References. Adapted from the source document.
The article focuses on the differences in political participation among post-communist countries. First, it explores the variation in the level of political participation among post-communist states. Second, it deals with the differences in the determinants that account for political participation in individual countries. The second objective is met by introducing a three-dimensional explanatory model of political participation: individual resources, motivations, and social networks. In an empirical analysis political participation in nine post-communist countries is examined using data from the International Social Survey Programme 2004. Results show that the countries under study vary in the level of political participation both at the aggregate and individual levels. The most active citizens are in the former East Germany and Slovakia. Polish and Hungarian citizens participate in politics the least. Further, two modes of political participation – protest activity and contacting – are identified and used as dependent variables in further analysis. In the second part of the article, the explanatory model is tested against data from individual countries. The analysis shows that there is a difference in the factors that account for political participation in various post-communist countries. Generally, the three-level model of political participation works best in Hungary, Bulgaria, and East Germany. It explains very little variation in Russia and Poland.
Das Verhältnis zwischen einzelnen sozialistischen Staaten Europas unter sowjetischer Dominanz war durch eine nach außen hin demonstrierte "Brüderlichkeit" geprägt. Diese propagandistisch zelebrierte Einigkeit entsprach im Fall von DDR und Tschechoslowakei selten der Realität. Anhand von zahlreichen, teils neu erschlossenen Quellen aus deutschen und tschechischen Archiven zeigt Wolfgang Schwarz, wie sich in den sechziger Jahren die Liberalisierung in der CSSR einerseits und das dogmatische Beharren der SED andererseits auf das zwischenstaatliche Verhältnis beider Länder auswirkten. Inhaltliche Schwerpunkte sind die außenpolitische Zusammenarbeit, die Unterschiede in der Politik gegenüber der Bundesrepublik Deutschland, ideologie- und kulturpolitische Differenzen zwischen SED und KSC sowie die wirtschaftlichen Beziehungen. (Mit einer tschechischen Zusammenfassung)
The article documents the development of life satisfaction in four transitional Central European countries since 1991, in comparison with Germany and Austria. After presentation of data sources and the overview of the literature regarding the effect of transition on life satisfaction, surveys of European Values Study 1991, 1999 and 2008 are analysed together with macroeconomic data. First, satisfaction levels are correlated with GDP and then, individual characteristics of income, gender, education and family status are regressed to as explanatory variables of life satisfaction. While the explanatory power of GDP is found as very weak for the entire period, the effect of objective characteristics has peaked in 1999 and the effect of subjective perceptions in 2008. The survey information on trends after 2008 differs but no dramatic change of the life satisfaction due to the economic recession has so far appeared. Adapted from the source document.
A review essay on books by (1) George Lakoff & Mark Johnson, Metafory, kterymizijeme (Brno: Host, 2002); (2) Francis A. Beer & Christ'l De Landtsheer [Eds], Metaphorical World Politics (East Lansing: Michigan State U Press, 2004); (3) Andreas Musolff, Mirror Images of Europe. Metaphors in the Public Debate about Europe in Britain and Germany (Munchen: Iudicium, 2000); (4) Rainer Hulsse, Metaphern der EU-Erweiterung als Konstruktion europaischer Identitat (Baden-Baden: Nomos Verlagsgesellschaft, 2003); & Hans Verboven, Die Metapher als Ideologie: Eine kognitiv-semantische Analyse der Kriegsmetaphorik im Fruhwerk Ernst Jungers (Heidelberg: Universitatsverlag WINTER, 2003).
This article deals with contemporary trends within research on extremism research in Germany. Institutionalization of this research in structures of political science is described, including the international impact of this research, with specific attention paid to the situation in East Central Europe. Next, the article analyzes development within the so-called 'theory of extremism,' including new concepts elaborated by scholars (soft and hard extremism, etc.) and developments dealing with the interconnection with terrorism research. Use of results of extremism research by governmental and international institutions is identified. Finally, criticism of the concept of extremism is presented, including criticism of the concept's politicization. Adapted from the source document.
Zsfassung in dt. Sprache u.d.T.: Die Solidarität über die Grenzen hinaus: die Opposition in der ČSSR und in der DDR seit 1968. - Literaturverz. S. 366 - 375
This article maps state visits by the presidents of the Czech Republic, Hungary, Poland, Slovakia and Austria between 2004 and 2010. It has two goals. First, the article describes and compares the structure of the five presidents' state visits according to the countries and regions visited and according to the type of visit (official, working, or multilateral visit). Second, data about the state visits of the heads of states are utilized as an indicator of the geopolitical orientation of the respective state. All five countries under study show strong geopolitical orientation towards Western Europe, especially Germany. Nevertheless, our data also show certain differences in geopolitical priorities. Poland stands out with its extraordinarily strong orientation towards Eastern and Northern Europe (the Baltics). The Czech Republic is characterised by a relatively stronger preference for the transatlantic relationship. Our data also show that Hungary is to a certain degree isolated as it is not a favoured destination for presidential visits. Adapted from the source document.
During both occasions of the 1st anniversary of the German Grand Coalition government CDU/CSU & SPD (2005/2006) & of the 10th anniversary of the Czech-German Declaration on reconciliation (1997) the author analysis the recent German foreign policy, especially the role of past burdens in the bilateral relations. Gradually, although they faced many complications, both a legal & political solution was found, & instilled, creating a prevision for, & to a certain degree institutionalizing "the culture of historical controversy." The rhetoric of historical guilt & responsibility slowly disappears in Germany's relationships to the states of Central & East Central Europe, it relates also to the reconciliation rituals. On the other hand the new German government (with the CDU-chancellorship) has accepted all declarations & treaties made by preceding governments, including those which deal with property issues between the F.R.G. & Poland/Czech Republics respectively. The main dash is not drawn between any single political camps; rather nowadays, it is drawn right across the German society & their political elites. Especially the topic of World War II & its victims has become a conventional subject & one of public historical memory. This appeared shortly after the new government was appointed into office, as well as the idea that the moral-historical dimension of the Czech-German, Polish-German (and any other neighbors to Germany) relations will not disappear, but instead achieve a new quality. Only the role of moderator will be given to the governments & to the political sphere. Parallel to the departure of the last generation of contemporaries, the theme will be changed, & there will be only one of many reference frameworks in German relations to its neighbor states & their societies. This will, however, not be a linear process: relapsing is not excluded & it will depend on the responsibility & maturity of the political elites as well as the quality of the Czech-German "community of interests" (including the constituting role of European Security & Energy policies), as to how they will be managed. Adapted from the source document.