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Intro -- Title Page -- Copyright Page -- Table of Contents -- LIST OF CONTRIBUTORS -- PARTY AND STATE: PHOTOS -- FOREWORD -- I. The Soviet Model -- THE STATUS OF LAW UNDER COMMUNIST PARTY RULE -- THE POWER STRUCTURE AND THE CAPACITY FOR CHANGE IN COMMUNIST ONE-PARTY STATES: THEORY OF STATE AND CONSTITUTIONAL LAW -- THE SPRA VOCHNIK PARTIINOGO RABOTNIKA AS A SOURCE OF PARTY LAW -- THE DISSEMINATION OF DECISIONS WITHIN THE PARTY -- THE DEVELOPMENT OF LEGAL RELATIONS BETWEEN THE COMMUNIST PARTY OF LATVIA AND THE COMMUNIST PARTY OF THE SOVIET UNION -- PARTY MEMBERS AND THE COURTS: EXPLOITATION OF PRIVILEGE -- THE USE OF CRIMINAL LAW BY THE CPSU IN THE STRUGGLE FOR THE REINFORCEMENT OF ITS POWER AND IN THE INNER-PARTY STRUGGLE -- THE COMMUNIST PARTY OF THE SOVIET UNION AND THE PROCURACY ON THE EVE OF THE REVOLUTION FROM ABOVE -- THE CPSU AND THE JURIDICAL PERSON -- THE STATUS OF THE CPSU UNDER SOVIET CIVIL LAW AND OF ITS MEMBERS UNDER SOVIET CRIMINAL LAW AND PROCEDURE -- PARTY MEMBERSHIP AND LABOR LAW AND THE LEGAL POSITION OF WORKERS IN PARTY ORGANIZATIONS -- GUIDANCE BY THE COMMUNIST PARTY OF STATE ADMINISTRATIVE AGENCIES IN THE USSR -- THE BEGINNING OF COMMUNIST PARTY FINANCIAL EXACTIONS FROM THE SOVIET STATE -- II. Imitations and Variations of the Soviet Model -- THE BULGARIAN COMMUNIST PARTY UNDER THE LAW -- THE PARTY OF LABOR OF ALBANIA AND THE LAW: HISTORICAL AND POLITICAL BACKGROUND -- THE PARTY OF LABOR OF ALBANIA AND THE LAW: STATUTORY AND LEGISLATIVE PROVISIONS -- THE SOCIALIST UNITY PARTY OF GERMANY (SED): CENTER OF THE GDR'S RULING ORDER -- THE RUMANIAN COMMUNIST PARTY IN THE RUMANIAN LEGAL SYSTEM -- THE STATUS OF THE COMMUNIST PARTY IN THE CZECHOSLOVAK SOCIALIST REPUBLIC -- THE LEGAL STATUS OF THE HUNGARIAN SOCIALIST WORKERS' PARTY -- THE POSITION OF THE POLISH UNITED WORKERS' PARTY IN THE LEGAL SYSTEM OF THE PEOPLE'S REPUBLIC OF POLAND.

After World War II Chiang Kai-Shek and the rump of the Kuomintang forces had retreated to Taiwan in 1949. Yet, Chiang Kai-Shek did not even renounce his hopes of resuming his formerly good relations with Germany after the Cold War had broken out. The Cold War, however, immediately led to severe German caution against Taiwan, and the existing difficulties of maintaining diplomatic relations with Taiwan were further aggravated by different political views within Germany. In the early 1960s, the Taiwanese government finally succeeded in establishing some contacts with the West German state. From 1963 to 1975, German military advisers attended to the rearmament of the Taiwanese army. This essay shows the impact of the work of German military advisers on Taiwan within the framework of international relations during the 1960s and early 1970s. It also explores the nature of Germany's foreign policy during the Cold War and gives an overall assessment of its far eastern policy. Last but not least, it looks at what suggestions German military advisers came up with in order to solve diplomatic problems. (Vierteljahrshefte für Zeitgeschichte / FUB)

Berlin is a city that spawns an irnpressive imagery related to the history of the 20th century. Few other cities contain so many !andmarks of the great events that shaped Europe and the world. From the ruins of the past century, Berlin is now trying to set itself up as German capital, center of political and economic power, which embodies the German democracy that sees itself as modest and exemplary. The collapse of the Wall is an event that has undoubtedly led to a break of intelligibility for those who lived within it. However much it opens de facto new prospects for the future, this break of intelligibility also foreshadows a radically new relationship with history. ln reunified Germany and especially in Berlin a large scale job of reevaluation of the past has begun, airning at bringing sense to the new historica~ political, economie and social order born from 1989. The treatrnent of the high places of communism, which takes place in conjunction with an extensive work on the past of the GDR, addresses multiple requirements formulated in political and economie terms as weil as in terms of identity. It is important to understand both how the construction of official narratives of the communist pastis part of an overall dyoamic of incorporation and of registration of narratives of the new Germany in the urban space of the capita~ and to pa y special attention to the reception of these reconstructions of the past within the 11public arena" in Berlin How does a common history of the GDR take shape? And how, in turn, do alternative narratives of the city and its past contradict the interpretations sometimes homogenizing proposed by the "New Berlin"? ; Berlin est une ville qui suscite un nombre impressionnant d'images liées à l'histoire du 20eme siècle. Rares sont les villes qui condensent autant d'empreintes dans lesquelles on peut lire les grands événements qui marquèrent l'Europe et le monde. Sur les ruines du siècle passé, Berlin tente aujourd'hui de s'ériger en capitale allemande, un centre du pouvoir politique et économique, la ville reflet d'une démocratie allemande qui se veut modeste et exemplaire. La chute du Mur est un événement qui, pour ses contemporains, a sans conteste débouché sur une rupture d'intelligibilité. Si elle ouvre de facto de nouvelles perspectives à venir, cette rupture d'intelligibilité n'en préfigure pas moins un rapport radicalement nouveau au passé. En Allemagne réunifiée, et plus particulièrement à Berlin, un vaste travail de réévaluation des passés s'est amorcé, ayant pour objectif de combler de sens la nouvelle donne née de l'événement 1989. Le traitement des hauts-lieux du communisme, qui s'effectue de concert avec un vaste travail sur le passé de la RDA, répond à de multiples exigences qui se déclinent en termes politiques, identitaires et économiques. Il importe à la fois de comprendre comment la construction de récits officiels du passé communiste s'inscrit dans une dynamique globale de constitution et 'inscription de récits nationaux de la nouvelle Allemagne dans l'espace urbain de la capitale, et de porter une attention particulière à la réception de ces reconstructions du passé au sein des "publics" berlinois. Comment des références communes à la RDA se construisent-elles? Et comment, en retour, des récits alternatifs de la ville et de ses passés viennent-ils s'opposer aux interprétations, parfois homogénéisantes, que propose le« Nouveau Berlin»?

Berlin is a city that spawns an irnpressive imagery related to the history of the 20th century. Few other cities contain so many !andmarks of the great events that shaped Europe and the world. From the ruins of the past century, Berlin is now trying to set itself up as German capital, center of political and economic power, which embodies the German democracy that sees itself as modest and exemplary. The collapse of the Wall is an event that has undoubtedly led to a break of intelligibility for those who lived within it. However much it opens de facto new prospects for the future, this break of intelligibility also foreshadows a radically new relationship with history. ln reunified Germany and especially in Berlin a large scale job of reevaluation of the past has begun, airning at bringing sense to the new historica~ political, economie and social order born from 1989. The treatrnent of the high places of communism, which takes place in conjunction with an extensive work on the past of the GDR, addresses multiple requirements formulated in political and economie terms as weil as in terms of identity. It is important to understand both how the construction of official narratives of the communist pastis part of an overall dyoamic of incorporation and of registration of narratives of the new Germany in the urban space of the capita~ and to pa y special attention to the reception of these reconstructions of the past within the 11public arena" in Berlin How does a common history of the GDR take shape? And how, in turn, do alternative narratives of the city and its past contradict the interpretations sometimes homogenizing proposed by the "New Berlin"? ; Berlin est une ville qui suscite un nombre impressionnant d'images liées à l'histoire du 20eme siècle. Rares sont les villes qui condensent autant d'empreintes dans lesquelles on peut lire les grands événements qui marquèrent l'Europe et le monde. Sur les ruines du siècle passé, Berlin tente aujourd'hui de s'ériger en capitale allemande, un centre du pouvoir politique et économique, la ville reflet d'une démocratie allemande qui se veut modeste et exemplaire. La chute du Mur est un événement qui, pour ses contemporains, a sans conteste débouché sur une rupture d'intelligibilité. Si elle ouvre de facto de nouvelles perspectives à venir, cette rupture d'intelligibilité n'en préfigure pas moins un rapport radicalement nouveau au passé. En Allemagne réunifiée, et plus particulièrement à Berlin, un vaste travail de réévaluation des passés s'est amorcé, ayant pour objectif de combler de sens la nouvelle donne née de l'événement 1989. Le traitement des hauts-lieux du communisme, qui s'effectue de concert avec un vaste travail sur le passé de la RDA, répond à de multiples exigences qui se déclinent en termes politiques, identitaires et économiques. Il importe à la fois de comprendre comment la construction de récits officiels du passé communiste s'inscrit dans une dynamique globale de constitution et 'inscription de récits nationaux de la nouvelle Allemagne dans l'espace urbain de la capitale, et de porter une attention particulière à la réception de ces reconstructions du passé au sein des "publics" berlinois. Comment des références communes à la RDA se construisent-elles? Et comment, en retour, des récits alternatifs de la ville et de ses passés viennent-ils s'opposer aux interprétations, parfois homogénéisantes, que propose le« Nouveau Berlin»?

Berlin is a city that spawns an irnpressive imagery related to the history of the 20th century. Few other cities contain so many !andmarks of the great events that shaped Europe and the world. From the ruins of the past century, Berlin is now trying to set itself up as German capital, center of political and economic power, which embodies the German democracy that sees itself as modest and exemplary. The collapse of the Wall is an event that has undoubtedly led to a break of intelligibility for those who lived within it. However much it opens de facto new prospects for the future, this break of intelligibility also foreshadows a radically new relationship with history. ln reunified Germany and especially in Berlin a large scale job of reevaluation of the past has begun, airning at bringing sense to the new historica~ political, economie and social order born from 1989. The treatrnent of the high places of communism, which takes place in conjunction with an extensive work on the past of the GDR, addresses multiple requirements formulated in political and economie terms as weil as in terms of identity. It is important to understand both how the construction of official narratives of the communist pastis part of an overall dyoamic of incorporation and of registration of narratives of the new Germany in the urban space of the capita~ and to pa y special attention to the reception of these reconstructions of the past within the 11public arena" in Berlin How does a common history of the GDR take shape? And how, in turn, do alternative narratives of the city and its past contradict the interpretations sometimes homogenizing proposed by the "New Berlin"? ; Berlin est une ville qui suscite un nombre impressionnant d'images liées à l'histoire du 20eme siècle. Rares sont les villes qui condensent autant d'empreintes dans lesquelles on peut lire les grands événements qui marquèrent l'Europe et le monde. Sur les ruines du siècle passé, Berlin tente aujourd'hui de s'ériger en capitale allemande, un centre du pouvoir politique et économique, la ville reflet d'une démocratie allemande qui se veut modeste et exemplaire. La chute du Mur est un événement qui, pour ses contemporains, a sans conteste débouché sur une rupture d'intelligibilité. Si elle ouvre de facto de nouvelles perspectives à venir, cette rupture d'intelligibilité n'en préfigure pas moins un rapport radicalement nouveau au passé. En Allemagne réunifiée, et plus particulièrement à Berlin, un vaste travail de réévaluation des passés s'est amorcé, ayant pour objectif de combler de sens la nouvelle donne née de l'événement 1989. Le traitement des hauts-lieux du communisme, qui s'effectue de concert avec un vaste travail sur le passé de la RDA, répond à de multiples exigences qui se déclinent en termes politiques, identitaires et économiques. Il importe à la fois de comprendre comment la construction de récits officiels du passé communiste s'inscrit dans une dynamique globale de constitution et 'inscription de récits nationaux de la nouvelle Allemagne dans l'espace urbain de la capitale, et de porter une attention particulière à la réception de ces reconstructions du passé au sein des "publics" berlinois. Comment des références communes à la RDA se construisent-elles? Et comment, en retour, des récits alternatifs de la ville et de ses passés viennent-ils s'opposer aux interprétations, parfois homogénéisantes, que propose le« Nouveau Berlin»?

Intro -- List of Contributors -- Acknowledgements -- 1 India-China Relations: Perceptions and Policies -- 2 India's Foreign Policy towards China since 2014 -- 3 Investment Screening as the New Foreign Policy Tool: Has India Learned to Use It? -- 4 India's Act East Policy: A Balancing Act in Asia/Indo-Pacific? -- 5 India and Japan: Post-World War II to Present, a brief account -- 6 India's Nuclear and Foreign Policy -- 7 India's Rising Strategic Proximity with the United States: The China Factor -- 8 The United States' Afghanistan Endgame: Challenges and Options for Indian Foreign Policy -- 9 India and the Middle East: Challenges to Protecting India's Interests -- 10 India's Relationship with Israel and Palestine: A Realist Approach -- 11 India's Eurasian Energy Policy and Its Geopolitical Interests -- 12 India and Germany: Ambitions, Friendship and a Prospect to Shape the Future -- 13 India and the Rome Statute -- 14 Dynamics of Sino-Pak Relationship and India's Response -- Index.

Map of Soviet annexations, 1939-45 -- Map of the division of postwar Germany -- Introduction: Displaced in War and Peace -- 1. Workers from the East: Deportation and Conditions of Labor among Eastern Workers -- 2. Forced Labor Empire: Community, Transnational Contact, and Sex -- 3. Collaboration and Resistance: Wartime Agency and Its Limits in Wustrau and Leipzig -- 4. Liberated in a Foreign Land: Wild Re-Sovietization and the Choice to Return in Allied-Occupied Europe, 1945 -- 5. Ambiguous Homecoming: Social Tensions in Repatriation to the USSR -- 6. Repatriation and the Economics of Coerced Labor: Between Punishment and Pragmatism -- 7. A Return to Policing: Collaborators, Spies, and the Cold War under Late Stalinism -- 8. Unheroic Returns: Returnee-Resisters, Historians, and Police -- 9. Wayward Children of the Motherland: The Soviet Fight for Nonreturners in Western-Occupied Europe -- 10. Return after Stalin: The Return to the Motherland Campaign in the 1950s -- Conclusion: No One Is Forgotten, No One Is Forgiven

1. Introduction -- Part I -- 2. Historical Background: World War II and Tensions in the Wartime Alliance -- 3. The Origins of the Cold War in Europe: from World War II to the Berlin Blockade -- 4. Studying the Cold War: core themes and concepts. Is there a new international history of the Cold War? -- 5. The Early Development of the Cold War in Europe: the division of Germany, the formation of NATO and European Integration -- 6. The Origins of the Cold War in East Asia: the emergence of communist China, Japan and the Korean War -- Part II -- 7. The Superpowers and the Cold War in the 1950s -- 8. Crises 19581962 -- 9. The Vietnam War -- 10. The Cold War and the Third World: Latin America -- 11. The Middle East and the Cold War -- 12. Waging the Cold War -- Part III -- 13. Detente -- 14. The Travails of Detente -- 15. Beyond Geopolitics: economics, culture and the transnational Cold War -- 16. The Superpowers and the end of the Cold War -- 17. Regional Finales.

"Two opposing narratives frame the strategic future of Europe, one geopolitical and one economic, and both center on the same resource: natural gas. In The Bridge, Thane Gustafson, an expert on Russian oil and gas, argues that the geopolitical rivalries that capture the lion's share of media attention must be viewed alongside competing business interests and differences in economic ideology. Even as post-Soviet Russia pushes west, and Europe pushes east in a contest of business models, economic doctrines, and political ambitions, natural gas maintains its central role in East-West relations. With a dense network of pipelines linking Europe and Russia, natural gas serves as a bridge that unites the region through common economic interests. Tracking the economic and political role of natural gas through multiple countries--Russia and Ukraine, the United Kingdom, Germany, the Netherlands, and Norway--The Bridge details both its history and its future prospects".--

This book brings together theories of world society with poststructuralist and postcolonial work on modern subjectivity to understand the universalising and particularising processes of globalisation. It addresses a theoretical void in global studies by attending to the co-constituted process through which modern subjectivities and global processes emerge and interact. The editors outline a key problem in global studies, which is a lack of engagement between the local/particular/individual and the 'universalising' processes in which they are situated. The volume deals with this concern with contributions from historical sociologists, poststructuralist and postcolonial scholars and by focusing in the Middle East, religion in global modernity and non-human subjectivities. Dietrich Jung is Professor and Head of the Center for Contemporary Middle East Studies, University of Southern Denmark, Denmark. Stephan Stetter is Professor of World Politics and Conflict Studies at the Bundeswehr University Munich, Germany/EU and co-editor of the Zeitschrift für Internationale Beziehungen.--

The First World War had differentiated effects on the development and integration of the railway network in northern East Central Europe. Until 1914 this region was part of the German and Russian Empires and the rail network densities in the states were very contrasted. During the war, destroyed railway lines were quickly rebuilt; the railway network even expanded and was standardised in terms of gauge as a part of the German plan to rebuild the architecture of the system of East Central Europe. On the one hand, this was done for military reasons. But there was also a broader concept behind it: the idea of submitting the railways of the resurrected states of Poland, Lithuania and Courland to the unified system managed by the Germany. The aim of the article is to indicate to what extent Imperial German policy during the Great War actually contributed to the creation of a new, uniformed railway network in the occupied areas.

The article explores the dynamics of the formation of the image of Belorussia on the Germanmental map with a consideration of the German occupation policies during the First and SecondWorld Wars. The author suggests that in 1915–18 the Germans tried to "invent" Belorussia in orderto overcome the lack of knowledge about this region and, on the other hand strove to gain this "newland" and its population to ensure their own superiority in the East. It seems that the Kaiserreich wasindeed tolerant to the profound cultural differences and sought to make use of the local regionalismin geopolitical sense. On the contrary, in the Nazi Germany the cultural differences were initiallyrejected in favor of the "master race". In this respect, Belarusians were considered only as a meanto support of the forthcoming colonization. In the author's opinion, there is much less continuitybetween the German war policies in the East in 1915−18 and 1941−44 than is generally accepted.

The article focuses on transitional justice in the countries of post-communist Central and Eastern Europe with particular emphasis on lustration measures of screening the former employees and informers of the state security services and the Communist party leadership, as well as on the policies regulating access to the archives of the former ruling Communist party and secret political police. Although all analyzed countries, including the Czech Republic, Hungary, Germany, Latvia, Lithuania, Estonia, Poland, Romania and Slovakia, have implemented lustration and file access programs, their scope, content and timing have varied significantly. Unlike countries of Central and Eastern Europe, Russia has failed to adopt a lustration law and to declassify the files of the Soviet secret police. The article highlights the goals and motivations behind lustration and file access policies in the post-Communist space and seeks to explain differences in national approaches to dealing with the Communist past.

This article analyses priority directions of Poland in regional collaboration. It shows that Poland wants to strengthen its position in political unions by creating a common perspective of European integration. Poland wants to maintain strong relations with NATO by showing itself as a reliable ally in a transatlantic context. It also seeks to pursue active collaboration with Ukraine and other countries of Eastern Europe and the Southern Caucasus. Poland wants to increase its power in international politics and due to that fact it pursues various collaborations with Western countries and countries of Vysegrad group. What's more, it encourages partnerships with Eastern countries as well. Economic collaboration is one of the priority spheres in foreign politics and Germany is one of the most powerful countries in this sphere. Relations with the diaspora and those citizens of Polish origin who live in foreign countries encourages closer relations with neighbour states which contain the biggest amount of Poles.