Suchergebnisse

U ovom radu pokušali smo predstaviti ideju "integrativne gospodarske etike" Petera Ulricha sagledavajući je u kontekstu suvremenih etičkih strujanja, te je dovesti u vezu s novom paradigmom pluriperspektivnosti u okviru integrativne bioetike. Istraživanje smo bazirali na doprinosima Instituta za gospodarsku etiku u St. Gallenu (Švicarska), kojemu je začetnik i direktor sam Peter Ulrich. Usporedbe koje smo pokušali napraviti s idejom Hansa Künga Weltethos i Hansa Jonasa Princip odgovornosti trebale su nam pokazati kako je ideja integrativne gospodarske etike nastavak niza u okviru etičkih promišljanja o suočavanju s ozbiljnim problemima s kojima se susreće i susretat će se društvo i svijet. Ulrich traži odgovore na pitanje smislenosti našeg gospodarenja te koliko naše gospodarenje može biti opravdano u odnosu prema drugima, što bi bilo pitanje legitimnosti. Kao središnji izazov za integrativnu gospodarsku etiku i njezinu refleksiju svakako se može postaviti pitanje o okolišu i neadekvatno vrednovanje odgovornosti naspram prirode. Samim time dolazimo i do bioetičkog uporišta unutar ideje integrativne gospodarske etike. Tako ona neminovno postaje ne samo jedno od bioetičkih uporišta, nego svojim idejama i doprinosima može biti stavljena u okvire (integrativnog) bioetičkog diskursa. ; In this paper, we tried to present the idea of "integrative economic ethics" of Peter Ulrich, viewing it in the context of modern ethical trends, and bring the same in connection with the new paradigm of pluriperspectiveness within integrative bioethics. We based the research on contributions brought forth by the Institute for Business Ethics in St. Gallen, the founder and director of which is Peter Ulrich himself. The comparisons that we tried to make with the idea of Hans Küng Weltethos, and Hans Jonas Principle of Responsibility, were supposed to show us that the idea of integrative economic ethics is a continuation of a series within ethical considerations about dealing with serious problems which are and will be faced by the society and the world. Ulrich seeks answers to the question of meaningfulness of our economizing, and the question of how much can our economizing be justified in relation to the others, which would be the question of legitimacy. As a central challenge for integrative economic ethics and its reflection, the question about the environment and inadequate evaluation of the responsibility towards nature can certainly be raised. By that alone, we come to the bioethical viewpoint within the idea of integrative economic ethics. In that way, it unavoidably becomes not only one of the bioethical footholds, but it can be placed within the frames of (integrative) bioethical discourse.

In this paper, the author focuses on the work of Bernard Mandeville as predecessor of Scottish Enlightenment and liberal tradition of thought. Starting from the social, political and economic context of the all-embracing crisis of the society in transition of his time, special attention is devoted to his moral, social and economic views based on methodological individualism. The author argues that Mandeville's controversial thought resists one-sided labeling and unambiguous fitting into mutually opposed camps of mercantilism and market liberalism, i.e. constructivism and evolutionism. This is the reason behind the variety of interpretations, and sometimes even completely opposite readings of his work. He was a satirist, social critic, physician, philosopher and economist, who effectuated a shift and a turn with regard to the habitual perceptions of the age in all those segments of his reflection and activity, and he launched a sort of "revolution in thought", which will be given its definitive formulation and elaboration in the second half of the 18th century by the Scottish moral philosophers. The author concludes that Mandeville was, first and foremost, a man of his time and responded to the acute problems of his age. It would thus be inappropriate and wrong to apply his ideas from the beginning of the 18th century to the present time with a clearer precising of intellectual and political projects, and declare him either a mercantilist or an interventionist, or else an advocate of laissez-faire. Nonetheless, Mandeville came up with answers that would later be incorporated in the liberal tradition. One may therefore say that he greatly influenced the Scottish Enlightenment and contributed to the birth of liberalism, although he was not a consistent economic liberal himself, of the type that was familiar to the late 18th century. Adapted from the source document.

Parallel to the economic strength, military power, political system, communication ability, ideology & morals, the significant elements of the political power are also the territory & population. Studying the influence of the territories & population on the political power of states the author points to the direction the transformation of these two phenomena will take place within the changed conditions of contemporary international relations. References. Adapted from the source document.

The starting point in this article is Hegel's mature understanding of civil society as the birthplace of the modern meaning of the concept. Since this understanding is primarily the consequence of Hegel's coming to terms with political economy, the author problematizes Hegel's first attempt at incorporating modern economic topics into ethical totality in the 1802 Article on Natural Law. It is shown how the fundamental paradox of the first variety of Hegel's science of the state is his effort to renew the classical natural law framework in circumstances of modern economic & political life. It is for this reason that Hegel fails to see the full extent of the emancipatory potential & the specifically modern character of the system of economic & private-legal interdependence of individuals, thus, on the one hand, interpreting these as the consequence of the disintegration of antique ethical life while, on the other hand, in the construction of ethical totality, placing its members in the estate of the unfree. It is precisely due to this historical point of origin of these systems & the ways they incorporate into ethical totality that the article on natural law, concludes the author, cannot be seen as the place where Hegel finally formulated his theory of civil society. Adapted from the source document.

The author looks into Scheler's philosophy of war as stated in his work The Genius of War. In the context of Germany during World War One, Scheler polemicized with various interpretations of the essence & the nature of war, particularly with those that reduce wars to economic or sociological roots, & claimed that the spiritual drive behind the "real" war was only to increase power. The war for him is part of the human nature, but not as a mere struggle for survival but as the struggle for power that maximally exalts, expands & deepens the common & indivisible values of our moral consciousness. The author argues that Scheler's intention is to glorify war, counter to Kant's universalism & rationalism. He is particularly dismissive of Kant's idea of "eternal peace" & all that is linked with cosmopolitanism & pacifism. The author concludes that Scheler's philosophy is self-delusional. References. Adapted from the source document.

The first part of the text presents the republican position of young Hegel. This position is developed primarily through a divergence from Christianity, which is, in Hegel's judgment, the spiritual pillar of political despotism and the main cause of German spiritual, social and political backwardness. According to Hegel, the main reason for the fatal influence of Christianity is its private character, the fact that it teaches man to despise this earthly life, tells him that he is unable to achieve moral perfection through his own efforts and turns him into an object of a transcendental power. In opposition to Christianity, Hegel puts forward the Greek popular religions, i.e. the antique republican orders as the only orders adequate to man's freedom, pointing them out also as models for his own time. The second part of the text shows how Hegel's giving up on his youthful republican-democratic ideals and his adherence to hereditary monarchy is a consequence of the appearance of the liberal moment in his political philosophy. Through acceptance of subjectivity as the supreme principle of the new age, Hegel realizes that a return to the substantial ethical unity of the Greek polis is impossible. At the same time, he sees in the constitutional monarchy of the hereditary type the only order adequate to modern conditions. Namely it preserves the autonomy of non-political spheres in the state, while simultaneously -- in the monarch who is not dependent on the will of those subject to his power -- the state unity is guaranteed as opposed to civil society as a space of interest plurality and socio-economic differences. Finally, the author strives to demonstrate how, in spite of Hegel's obvious opting for hereditary monarchy and rejection of the republic, his mature political philosophy also encompasses a republican dimension. This has to do with a contradiction between the republican form and the monarchic contents of the political state. Namely the latter is not (only) a machinery of power which serves as a counterbalance to civil society, but is defined as the sphere of true political community. It is however not shaped through the activity of individuals; their political subjectivity is embodied in the hereditary monarch. This contradiction, i.e. the republican essence of the political state, leads to the conclusion that political emancipation can be conceived as a natural and necessary consequence of civil emancipation also in the conceptual field of The Philosophy of Right. Adapted from the source document.

Na dan Uskrsa 1991. godine Hrvatska je napadnuta, čime je započeo brutalan rat. Povijest ne bilježi takav tip stradanja i razaranja Europe od invazije Skita i Turaka. Težina zločina osupnjuje promatrača, zbog čega je teško razmišljati o duhovnoj fiziologiji napadača. Autor pokušava u mitskom mišljenju nači mentalnu podlogu agresorskog ponašanja. Mitsko se miš­ljenje može definirati kao fenomen funkcije čovjekova mozga, koji proizvodi jaku samousmjerenu energiju, s apriorističkim otklanjanjem drugih miš­ljenja. Razumsko promišljanje, kao odvaga različitih koncepata i probir najpogodnijeg , uznapredovala je razina intelektualnih funkcija. Potreban je napor u bavljenju mnoštvom mogućnosti zbog čega se javlja unutarnja nesigurnosrt. Zbog toga se javlja sklonost retrakciji prema mitskom mišljenju i prividnoj sigurnosti. Takvo je suženje začeta točka ideologija, koje mogu dovesti do aberantnog individualnog i kolektivnog ponašanja. Mitsko mišljenje pokazuje jaku udružnu energiju među ljudima. Tako sinkronizirana snaga može proizvesti vrlo destruktivno ponašanje čovjeka. Jednom kada je ustanovljena mitska rezonancija duha množnine, potrebna je enormna intelektualna energija za proboj rigidnog okvira demonizirane opsesije. U urušavanju komunizma neki navodi nisu uspjeli probiti mitski duhovni koncept, zbog čega su se javili odskoči u teško destruktivno ponašanje. Rat u Hrvatskoj je proizvod takve mitske tautologije u duhovnom svijetu agresora. Taj rat je najtragičniji primjer dubine stradanja kojeg je u padu proizveo raspad komunizma. Autor analizira odnos pravnih i moralnih odrednica ponašanja čovjeka. Sučeljene su kulturalne i tradicijske odlike agresora i branitelja, kao i njihovo ponašanje u raspadu komunizma i ratu. Zdravstvena služba Hrvatske otkrila je novu dimenziju profesionalne medicinske etike. U direktnoj životnoj ugroženosti liječništvo je održalo etičke norme ponašanja u kantovskom smislu značenja moralnog. Arbitri rata, Europska zajednica i Ujedinjeni narodi pokazali su dvoličnost u svojem shvaćanju demokratskog i pravde, što je perpetuiralo divljačko ponašanje agresora. Autor pokušava naći pozitivnu dimenziju ratnog razaranja Hrvatske. On ističe daje narod napadnute zemlje započeo i proživljava latentnu nacionalnu renesansu, u mnogim pogledima, svim stradanjima usprkos. ; Starting with the Easter Sunday of 1991 the Republic of Croatia has been thrown into a brutal war, the sort of which has not been experienced since the time of Scytnian and Turkish invasions into Europe. Brutality and bestiality overwhelms the capacity of mankind to understand the underlying mental concepts. This text is an attempt to give a comprehensive approach to the problem. The author tries to interpret the behaviour of the aggressors through the mythical spiritual phenomena. Mythical thought is described as a primordial phenomenon of human brain function, which gives a very strong self-centered energy, with the aprioristic rejection of others people"s thoughts. Reasnonig, as weighing of various concepts against each other and selection of the most suitable one, is an advanced faculty of the human brain. It takes an intellectual effort to deal with the plethora of possibili Due to that, there is a tendency of mental retraction to mythical self contained spiritual comfort. Such narrowed horizons are the starting points of ideological adherence to the collective behaviour level, which might be quite abessant. Mythical thought exerts a strong aggregative power among the people. Such synchronized power might produce very destructive human behaviour. Once mythical resonance has been established it is difficult to defrom it. Very demanding intellectual effort is required for braking the rigid conceptual framework of collective demonized obsession. The last four years of the communist world desintegration have witnessed several examples of mental inability to step out of the mythical spiritual tautology. Due to such mythical obsession, aggressors have performed the harshest military attacks against Croatia, with the most tragic consequences of such destructive behaviour. The author analyzes the judicial and moral determinants of human behaviour. The cultural and traditional features of the aggressors as well as of the defendors of invanded country, have been briefly outlined. Their behaviour in the war has been compared. Human Health Service of Croatia has established a new dimesion of professional ethics. The priciples of ethics have been maintained in literary Katian sense, even under the harshest direct attacks of the raging invading wariors. The politicians of the Europian Community and the United Nations have demonstrated a transparent hypocrisy in their understanding and interpretation of democracy. Their hesitation to recognize the self-determination rights has encouraged the aggressors. The author attempts to extract a positive dimension from the atrocities of the war. He thinks that the people of the invanded country have entered into the historical cycle of renaissance, both spiritual and economic.

Svaki je povijesni grad turistička destinacija par excellence. To proizlazi iz definicija turizma i turista. Kao turistička destinacija, svaki povijesni grad svim turistima ne predstavlja isto. Cilj i svrha turistički usmjerenog razvoja nekog povijesnog grada mora se razlikovati od turističkog razvoja drugih turističkih destinacija. Često povijesno bogati gradovi privlače mnoge posjetitelje, ali se oni kratko zadržavaju. Ovo potiče neka ekonomska pitanja i dileme o tome kako pomiriti trošak očuvanja i održanja povijesnih spomenika s koristima od potrošnje turista koji dolaze i kratko borave u tim gradovima. Postavlja se i pitanje politike samog turističkog razvoja: što je potrebno dodati turističkoj ponudi kako bi se zadržalo posjetitelje dulje, a bez narušavanja sklada i ljepote povijesnog grada. Često je to pitanje suživota novog i starog na istome mjestu, pitanje etike, tradicije, kulture, arhitekture itd. kao i pitanje ekonomske prirode. Ovaj rad postavlja više pitanja nego što daje odgovora, ali također pokušava osvijetliti i problem s teoretske strane. ; Every single historical city is par excellence a tourism destination. This derives simply from the definition of tourism and of the tourist. As a tourist destination, every historical city does not carry the same meaning to all tourists. The aim and purpose of tourism oriented development of a historical city must be different from tourism development of other tourism destinations. Very often the cities with very rich history attract many visitors, but they do not stay in them long. This situation raises a number of economic questions and dilemmas of how to reconcile the costs of preserving and maintaining the historical monuments with the benefit of tourist consumption made by visitors who come and stay in such cities albeit just for a short time. This is a question of tourism development policy itself: how to expand a tourism offer in order to keep the visitors longer, without damaging the harmony and physical environment of historical cities. Very often it is the matter of old and modern coexisting at the same place, of ethics, tradition, culture, architecture etc., as well as of economic concerns. The paper raises more questions than it will give answers, but it attempts to highlight the problem from the theoretical side.

When it comes to ethics and fair play in sport, it mostly refers to training process and com-petition through respecting the game rules, opponents, organizers, managers and referees, through the implementation of standards related to means, equipment and kits used in com-petitions and avoidance and prevention from using illegal stimulants, i.e. doping.Th e following question arises: is the sports system itself in its core established fairly and mor-ally? Is there inequality and discrimination among certain sports associations, federations, clubs or athletes? Th is refers to the sports system in general, hierarchy of sports, i.e. federa-tions within the whole sports community in local and regional government and on national level and within international sports federations and presentation of those sports to a wider community through diff erent activities, programs and media coverage. We must not forget the economic side of sport as an activity which directly or indirectly ensures existence of a large number of people. Sports system is not fair and it is also often cruel. Discrimination can be seen through many factors: sports federations, media coverage of sports, division into "great" and "small" sports, Croatian Olympic Committee, money.Establishment of sports system based on those foundations results in reduced number of young athletes, use of illegal stimulants, more violence, bigger health problems of young population, their lack of sociality and communication. ; Pod pojmom morala, etike i ferpleja u sportu, obično se misli na provedbu trenažnog proce-sa i natjecanja kroz poštovanje pravila igre, suparnika, organizatora, voditelja i sudaca, kroz primjenu standarda korištenih sredstava, sprava i pribora koji se koriste u natjecanjima te izbjegavanje i sprječavanje upotrebe nedozvoljenih stimulativnih sredstava, odnosno dopinga. No, postavlja se pitanje je li sam sustav sporta u startu postavljen pravedno i moralno. Pojav-ljuje li se neravnopravnost i diskriminacija pojedinih sportskih asocijacija, saveza, klubova ili sportaša? Pri tome mislim uopće na sustav sporta, dakle organizaciju pojedinih sportova, od-nosno saveza unutar cjelokupne sportske zajednice jedinice lokalne ili područne samouprave i države, međunarodnih sportskih asocijacija te prezentaciju tih sportova široj društvenoj za-jednici. Također treba u obzir uzeti i ekonomsku stranu sporta, odnosno sport kao djelatnost kojom se direktno ili indirektno osigurava egzistencija velikog broja ljudi. Sustav sporta nije pravedan, a nerijetko je i okrutan. Diskriminacija se može vidjeti kroz čitav niz čimbenika: sportske saveze, medijsku pokrivenost sportova, podjelu na "velike" i "male" sportove, Hrvat-ski olimpijski odbor, politiku, Zakon o sportu, novac. Konstrukcija sustava sporta na takvim temeljima rezultira smanjenim brojem mladih sportaša, upotrebom nedozvoljenih stimulativ-nih sredstava, sve češćim nasiljem koje se povezuje sa sportom, odnosno većim zdravstvenim problemima mlađe populacije, njihovom asocijalnošću i nekomunikativnošću.