Globalizacija je proces svjetske ekonomske integracije koji vodi do globalne ekonomije bez granica. U radu se procjenjuje utjecaj globalizacije na gospodarski rast u slučaju zemalja Europske monetarne unije (EMU). Autori su koristili tri komponente globalizacije – ekonomsku, socijalnu i političku globalizaciju. Pooled Mean Group estimator (PMG) korišten je za procjenu dugoročne i kratkoročne veze između globalizacije i ekonomskog rasta. Rezultati su pokazali da u kratkom roku ekonomska i socijalna globalizacija ima pozitivan utjecaj na gospodarski rast, dok politička globalizacija negativno utječe na ekonomski rast zemalja EMU. Ekonomska globalizacija dugoročno ima statistički značajan pozitivan utjecaj na ekonomski rast zemalja EMU, dok društvena i politička globalizacija negativno utječe na ekonomski rast zemalja EMU. Autori preporučuju, za svaku zemlju, pojedinačni pristup prilikom prihvaćanja globalizacijskog procesa. Pristup ovisi o fazi razvoja zemlje, socijalnoj i političkoj pozadini. Jedan bi pristup mogao biti evolucijski za zemlje u razvoju i najmanje razvijene zemlje. Drugi pristup bi mogao biti brži način prihvaćanja globalizacije za razvijene zemlje. ; Globalization is a process of world economic integration which leads to the global economy without borders. The paper estimates the impact of globalization on economic growth in the case of European Monetary Union countries (EMU). Authors used three components of globalization – economic, social, and political globalization. Pooled Mean Group estimator (PMG) was used to estimate the long-run and short-run relationship between globalization and economic growth. The results showed that in the short-run, economic and social globalization has a positive impact on economic growth, while political globalization has a negative effect on the economic growth of EMU countries. In the long-run, economic globalization has a statistically significant positive impact on the economic growth of EMU countries, while social and political globalization has a negative effect on the economic growth of EMU countries. Authors recommend, for each country, case by case approach in accepting the globalization process. The approach depends on the country's development stage, social, and political background. Thus, the approach for developing and least developed countries could be an evolutionary way, while for the developed ones a faster way of acceptances of globalization, for developed countries.
Rad promišlja i prikazuje interakciju globalizacije i kulture kao sustava značenja koji reguliraju društveni život, odnosno na općoj razini skicira i analizira neke teze glede odnosa kulture i globalizacije. Globalizacija je društvena, ekonomska, politička i kulturna činjenica suvremenog društva, totalni fenomen. Ona je sveprisutna pojava današnje epohe i ostavlja upečatljive tragove svoje nazočnosti u svim prostorima u kojima se odvija. Osnovni aspekti globalizacije su ekonomski i politički odnosi koji se razvijaju između zemalja i regija i sve više čine okvir nekoj vrsti kulturnoga međusobnog približavanja u kojemu izvjestan broj istih vrijednosti prolazi krozviše zemalja s tendencijom prema kulturnoj jednakosti.Globalizacijski proces uključuje sve veći broj kulturnih elemenata, proširuje prostorne, kvantitativne i kvalitativne dimenzije kulture, a uključivanjem sve većega broja ljudi potiče aktivno djelovanje kulture. U prošlosti i danas dodiri kultura su se skladno prožimali, ali i iskazivali dramatične i često konfliktne oblike. Istinsko življenje trebalo bi biti međusobno razumijevanje i poštovanje, sporazumijevanje i ravnopravna suradnja jer smisao čovjeka ogleda se u humanosti. ; This paper represents an analysis and an account of the interaction between globalization and culture as systems of meaning that regulate social life. In other words, the paper provides a general outline and insight into certain thesis regarding the relationship between culture and globalization. Globalization is a social, economic, political, and cultural fact of modern society, an absolute phenomenon. It is an omnipresent occurrence of today's epoch leaving significant traces of its presence wherever it occurs. The basic aspects of globalization refer to economic and political relations that develop between countries and regions and that increasingly represent a framework for closer cultural contacts within which a certain number of the same values pass through many countries with a tendency towards cultural equality.The globalization process includes an increasing number of cultural elements, it broadens the spatial, quantitative and qualitative dimensions of culture, and, by including an increasing number of people, promotes active functioning of culture. In past and at present cultural contacts have harmoniously interfused, but they have also taken dramatic and often conflicting forms. True living should consist of mutual understanding and respect, agreement and equal cooperation because the meaning of man is reflected in humanity.
Dugo je vremena koncept suvereniteta smatran kamenom temeljcem domaćeg i međunarodnog prava te političke misli. Koncepcija suvereniteta blisko je povezana s koncepcijom države. Bilo je to »normalno« stanje države, u kojem ona ima vrhovnu ili konačnu vlast u unutarnjim političkim i pravnim pitanjima, a svojstvo neovisnosti prema drugim državama. Međunarodnu zajednicu činile su ravnopravne i neovisne države. Danas, na početku 21. stoljeća, koncept suvereniteta izložen je mnogim izazovima, od kojih je najznačajniji proces globalizacije koji je doveo do sve veće međupovezanosti ljudi širom svijeta vidljive na svim poljima: političkim, vojnim, ekonomskim, kulturnim i pravnim. U ovom radu usredotočit ćemo se na pitanje kako globalizacija utječe na državni suverenitet te da ti pregled argumenata korištenih u novijoj literaturi. ; The concept of sovereignty was for a long time considered as one of the cornerstones of national and international law, and of political thought. The concept of sovereignty was closely connected with the concept of the state. It was a »normal« situation of a country where it had supreme or final power in political and legal matters in its domestic affairs, while at the same time it was independent in relation to all other countries. The international community used to consist of equal and independent states. At the beginning of the 21st century, the concept of sovereignty is faced with many challenges, both in theory and in practice. What happens within a country's territory and to its inhabitants is now less a consequence of national politics than the result of international circumstances – the difference between internal and foreign affairs is becoming increasingly vague. Several processes are happening simultaneously: globalisation (the development of information and communication technology; increase in foreign investments, the development of multinational corporations, and strengthening of the international economic and trade organisations' role), the process of European integration, the development of international protection of human rights (the development of cogent rules of international law, humanitarian interventions, the role of transnational non- governmental organisations), and the phenomenon of »failed states«. All the above mentioned has created a need to redefine the concept of sovereignty.
Promjenom paradigme visokoga obrazovanja (VO) u globalnom kontekstu javna se sveučilišta sve više okreću razvoju internacionalnih aktivnosti. Internacionalizacija može predstavljati komparativnu prednost sveučilišta, koja razvijena kroz specifičnu inovativnu stratešku odrednicu (nišu), može postati osnova sveučilišne politike koja se provodi i implementira u različitim policy arenama. Što je sveučilište inovativnije u izboru i razvijanju ove specifične niše, ono ima veće razvojne mogućnosti te postaje kompetitivnije. Cilj je ovoga doktorskoga rada istražiti utjecaj globalizacije na internacionalizaciju javnih europskih sveučilišta. Pritom se u glavnoj tezi rada tvrdi da se promjenom paradigme visokoga obrazovanja u globalnom kontekstu javna sveučilišta sve više okreću razvoju internacionalnih aktivnosti (npr. Knight, 2008; Teichler, 2009; Kehm, 2003; Van der Wende, 2001) ali pritom odabiru različite specifične strategije (niše) internacionalizacije, dok se u postavljenoj hipotezi kaže da razlike između nacionalnih konteksta i načina na koji države upravljaju financijskom i ekonomskom krizom utječu na razlike u strategijama internacionalizacije pojedinih javnih europskih sveučilišta. Nacionalni kontekst pritom obuhvaća različitosti u tradiciji, kulturi i povijesnoj ulozi države u kojoj sveučilište djeluje, što sve utječe na razlike u nacionalnim strategijama internacionalizacije i strategijama koje u ovom području razvijaju javna sveučilišta. Budući da u literaturi ne postoji opće prihvaćena definicija globalizacije, internacionalizacije i europeizacije u području visokoga obrazovanja, niti suglasje o njihovom međusobnom odnosu te indikatorima koji ih determiniraju, provođenju komparativne analize triju studija slučaja u svrhu istraživanja utjecaja globalizacije na internacionalizaciju javnih europskih sveučilišta u ovom je doktorskom radu prethodilo empirijsko istraživanje putem delfi metode među stručnjacima širom svijeta. Minimalne definicije triju pojmova i indikatori globalizacije i internacionalizacije u području VO-a, dobiveni empirijskim istraživanjem provedenim putem delfi metode na temelju konsenzusa među ekspertima, poslužili su kao osnova komparativne analize triju studija slučaja (tri sveučilišta – Beč, Lausanne, Granada; u trima državama – Austrija, Švicarska, Španjolska), koja je provedena na temelju istraživačkog modela posebno osmišljenog za potrebe ovoga doktorskoga rada. Na temelju uvida dobivenih komparacijom triju studija slučaja u radu je utvrđen utjecaj globalizacije na internacionalizaciju javnih europskih sveučilišta, čime je potvrđena glavna teza ovoga doktorskoga rada. Također, analizom je utvrđeno i da su različiti nacionalni sustavi VO-a i specifične VO institucije na različit način odgovorili na promjene nastale djelovanjem faktora s globalne i međunarodne razine, koje se vezuju uz zadnji val globalizacije. Sukladno tome, moguće je reći i da su različitosti u prilagodbi ovim promjenama utjecale i na različitost sveučilišnih politika internacionalizacije te na različitost strateških dokumenata koje su u ovom području razvila tri analizirana sveučilišta. S obzirom na činjenicu da se nacionalni kontekst u hipotezi vezivao uz različitosti u tradiciji, kulturi i povijesnoj ulozi države, zbog čega je u analizi trebalo provjeriti je li moguće utvrditi poveznice između specifičnih strateških odrednica (niša) internacionalizacije u ovom području na Sveučilištu u Beču s tradicijom i politikom Austro-Ugarske Monarhije, na Sveučilištu u Lausanni s politikom neutralnosti, a na Sveučilištu u Granadi sa španjolskom kolonijalnom politikom prema Sjevernoj Africi, na temelju analize ovakva izravna poveznica u službenim dokumentima nije utvrđena. Ipak, kroz intervjue i boravak u trima sveučilišnim sredinama, utvrđeno je da je specifične strateške odrednice internacionalizacije moguće vezivati uz pojedine karakteristike koje se mogu smatrati povijesnim, kulturalnim i tradicijskim 'ostacima' ili tekovinama spomenutih koncepata, koji su danas, pretvoreni u nova, suvremena obilježja, ipak prisutni u samoj srži triju sveučilišta. Zaključno, kroz uvide dobivene komparativnim istraživanjem putem istraživačkog modela utvrđen je utjecaj financijske i ekonomske krize na sveučilišta u Španjolskoj, što je onda bilo moguće povezati i s provedbom sveučilišne politike u području internacionalizacije te aktivnostima i inicijativama Sveučilišta u Granadi u okviru strategije internacionalizacije, što se posebno očituje kroz izrazitu okrenutost programima za koje postoji osigurano financiranje na EU razini (npr. Erasmus+ program). Suprotno tome, uvidima nije utvrđeno postojanje utjecaja financijske i ekonomske krize na strategije internacionalizacije Sveučilišta u Beču i Sveučilišta u Lausanni te na njihovo djelovanje u ovom području. ; Although according to the opinion of many researchers universities have been among the most globalised institutions (Marginson and Considine, 2000: 8) historically, in last decades universities have had to adapt to many changes under the pressure of the last wave of globalisation (e.g. increased competitiveness, high importance of rankings, new forms of international activities, use of new communication technologies in teaching and learning, etc.). The processes that universities use to adapt to the pressure of globalisation tend to include: new strategic determinants and policies, new organisational and governance models in order to achieve greater competitiveness and better rankings results, the search for alternative and additional sources of financing due to the decrease in public funding allocation, the development of new concepts and activities with an international dimension, the establishment of new partnerships, the development of various models for international collaboration, etc. (for example, see publications by Frølich, Gornitzka, Kehm, Knight, Maassen, Neave, Stensaker, Teichler, Van der Wende, etc.). The aim of this PhD thesis is to explore the impact of globalisation on the internationalisation of European public universities. This primarily includes verifying the main thesis that by changing the paradigm of higher education (HE) in the global context, public universities are increasingly turning to the development of international activities (eg. Knight, 2008; Teichler, 2009; Kehm, 2003; Van der Wende, 2001), but they choose different internationalisation strategies. Internationalisation can be a comparative advantage of the university which, developed through specific innovative strategic orientation (niche), becomes the framework for the official university policy implemented in different political arenas and communicated to stakeholders at all levels. This niche can be based on tradition, culture and the historical role of the state in which the university operates. More the university becomes innovative in the selection and development of this niche, it gets better development opportunities and it can achieve greater global competitiveness. Therefore, this project is secondly oriented on verifying the hypothesis that differences between national contexts xi (tradition, culture and historical role of the state) and the ways in which countries manage the economic and financial crisis, affect the different selection of internationalisation strategies of European public universities. Since scientific understanding of internationalisation have changed over time, this term is today widely understood as a broad umbrella term that covers many dimensions, components, approaches and activities (de Wit and Hunter, 2015: 45). However, in the literature there is no specific answer what is exactly globalisation in HE, what are the pressures of globalisation in HE field, what do we mean by the internationalisation of universities and where and how does Europeanisation fit in. Literature has offered various definitions of these three terms and their mutual relations (for example, see publications by Altbach, de Wit, Knight, Marginson, Rhodes, Robertson, Scott, Stromquist, Sawir, Teichler, Van der Wende), and the researchers in the field of HE adopted various approaches to its operationalisation (see Knight, 2008; Teichler, 2004, 2009; Marginson i Van der Wende, 2007; de Wit, 2010, etc.) Although this PhD project is dealing with the impact of globalisation on the internationalisation of European public universities, a theoretical concept of Europeanisation is also included in the theoretical framework. The Bologna process, which highly promotes internationalisation policies and efforts, as well as other European initiatives in HE, some researchers consider to be linked with the Europeanisation in HE and therefore all three terms are analysed and discussed in this project. There are two gaps in literature that this PhD project addresses: the problem with the lack of generally accepted definitions of globalisation, internationalisation and Europeanisation and their mutual relations in HE, as well as their indicators; and the lack of projects which use analysis of the role of the context in HE field in order to explore differences between individual national (and subnational) policies. This PhD thesis had three main objectives: (1) to explore the impact of globalisation on the internationalisation of European public universities; (2) to analyse the factors that determine and redefine the characteristics of internationalisation of universities and factors that indicate the degree of policy change in strategies of HE institutions and national HE policies; (3) to explore the differences in national contexts and ways in which countries 'filter' globalisation pressures and the impact of financial and economic crisis, which affects the characteristics of national HE policies and university strategies in the field of internationalisation. In order to fulfil these goals, triangulation of literature review and empirical research was used. Therefore, in this PhD project, two empirical researches were conducted: a Delphi method research and a comparison of three case studies.
The author's starting point in this article is a presupposition that the laissez faire tradition in economy and politics is legitimate. Still, the globalization processes point out the weaknesses of that presupposition. The author shows that the politicians (and theorists) of the most powerful countries have joined the antiglobalization camp. They no longer hold to the spirit of unity and humanity, and they spread capitalism with unpopular means: political and military might. In that sense the author points out to evidence that leads to a conclusion that the chances for a liberal political and economic philosophy are very weak. In fact, it is only an ideal. That is the sad result of the globalization process to date after the promise of Fukuyama's 'End of History'. Still, the author believes that not everything is lost. Adapted from the source document.
The author's starting point in this article is a presupposition that the laissez faire tradition in economy and politics is legitimate. Still, the globalization processes point out the weaknesses of that presupposition. The author shows that the politicians (and theorists) of the most powerful countries have joined the antiglobalization camp. They no longer hold to the spirit of unity and humanity, and they spread capitalism with unpopular means: political and military might. In that sense the author points out to evidence that leads to a conclusion that the chances for a liberal political and economic philosophy are very weak. In fact, it is only an ideal. That is the sad result of the globalization process to date after the promise of Fukuyama's 'End of History'. Still, the author believes that not everything is lost. Adapted from the source document.
The author analyzes the controversial concept of globalization from its technological, political, cultural, economic, & social aspects. He refers to S. Huntington, & also to J. Gray, & uses P. Chatterjee's arguments on nationalist strategy & politics. Jameson concludes that combination, social collective, & global regulation are at the core of all strategically successful responses to the globalization trends. Adapted from the source document.
The author's starting assumption is that globalization institutionalizes new forms of governance, but that this does not diminish the significance of the national state. On the contrary, globalization forces the advanced industrial societies to find a new balance between calls for economic efficacy & expectations regarding social security. On the other hand, national states have avoided the impact of globalization primarily owing to the (1) institutional acclimatizing reserve of modern democracies, (2) development & application of new political governing instruments, & (3) intelligent usage of international cooperational pressures in favor of national political innovations. However, all this does not mean that the national state has gone through globalization unscathed. A new architecture of political governance has emerged, called by the author the transnational regimes of politics. They include, besides national states, international organizations such as the WTO, regional integrations (EU, NAFTA), as well as a variety of national & transnational interest groups & movements. The author concludes that the efficacy of the new forms of governance must not be overrated. Also, the basic problem today is the expansion of the areas lacking functional markets, successful national states, or global forms of governance. 45 References. Adapted from the source document.
Važnost gospodarske diplomacije iznimno je naglašena s pojavom i sve većim utjecajem globalizacije kao procesa unutar kojeg su države i njihova gospodarstva postali međusobno ovisni i isprepleteni više nego ikad u povijesti. Sukladno tome, učinkovitost gospodarske diplomacije odnosno njezini dosezi postaju predmetom detaljnih i brojnih analiza, sve s ciljem što značajnijih krajnjih rezultata. Kao i u mnogim drugim sferama političkog i gospodarskog života, države ne provode iste strategije ni aktivnosti, a posljedično ne postižu ni iste ili čak slične rezultate u toj utakmici na globalnoj sceni. Opća je ocjena svih relevantnih dionika i komentatora da Republika Hrvatska u svojih tridesetak godina neovisnosti i samostalnosti nije iskoristila potencijal i prilike koje aktivna, moderna i učinkovita gospodarska diplomacija nudi kao sve značajnija sastavnica diplomacije. Djelomično se takvi rezultati mogu opravdati trajanjem i posljedicama Domovinskog rata zbog kojeg je cjelokupni gospodarski razvoj zemlje na nižoj razini nego što bi bio da nije bilo rata. No, posve je razvidno da dosadašnji modus operandi koji Republika Hrvatska koristi u gospodarskoj diplomaciji nije dao željene rezultate. Upravo stoga u ovome se članku, između ostalog, analizira postojeći hrvatski model te daju jasne i konkretne preporuke o tome kojim smjerom odnosno putem bi Hrvatska ubuduće trebala krenuti. ; The importance of economic diplomacy is strongly emphasized in relation to the emergence and growing influence of globalization as a process within which states and their economies have become more interdependent and interconnected than ever in history. Accordingly, the effectiveness of economic diplomacy and its achievements become the subject of diverse and detailed analyses, all conducted with the aim of reaching the best possible end results. As in many other spheres of political and economic life, states do not implement the same strategies or activities and consequently do not achieve the same, nor even similar results in the global game. The general assessment of all relevant stakeholders and commentators is that the Republic of Croatia, 30 years since its independence, has not used the potential and opportunities offered by active, modern and effective economic diplomacy, an increasingly important part of diplomacy. Such results can partly be justified by the duration and consequences of the Croatian War of Independence, as a result of which the overall economic development of the country is at a lower level than it would have been if the war had not happened. However, it is quite clear that the current modus operandi of Croatian economic diplomacy has not yielded the desired results. That is why this article, among other things, analyzes the existing Croatian model and provides clear and concrete recommendations as to the direction or path Croatia should take in the future.
Theodor Lowi 1969 marked the end of a "Big Government" era in American politics & theory. In 2001, he announced the end of fundamentalist laissez-faire approaches in recent politics & theory, especially in the field of globalization & the world corporate system. He argues that political science with political economy provides a better understanding of these processes & phenomena than economics without political economy. Here, Strpic accepts "Lowi's challenge" & formulates with him an "agenda for a new global politics" & an "agenda for a new global political economy." He refers to a few recent articles & a book of his own, where he already has done it, & also reminds us of his immediate & accurate politico-economic forecasting of the actual change in American politics after the terrorist attack on the US, & the absence of a great economic crisis, which leading American economists realized only a few weeks later. 26 References. Adapted from the source document.
The author first defines the various facets of globalization in today's world, emphasizing the key changes that are intensifying communication among peoples, nations, & cultures all over the world. However, parallel to this, there are other pressing problems: from the ecological crisis, to the realization of human rights, to the anomie of life & work. All this proves that globalization is not only an economic & technical but, ultimately, practically an ethical & political issue. Along the lines of Hegel's philosophy of world history & Aristotle's practical philosophy, the author has come to view contemporary globalization as a step forward for world civilization, ie, as a possibility for the realization of freedom & a good life. Globalization, of course, scares people with its unpredictability & the erratic development of "global society," which (in line with Beck's distinction between the First & the Second Modernism) today is represented as a society of nation-states, on the one hand, & a "global society of transnational actors," on the other. Due to the increasing globalization & the danger of reducing all beings to things, it is central to point out that a human being is not a thing among other things, & that the appreciation & realization of life requires nurturing & cultivating the variety of human knowledge pertinent to different spheres of the historical world of life. Thus, the relevance & the role of practical philosophy is gaining significance regarding the -- to the historical Being -- proper understanding & fulfillment of human potentials in today's world. Adapted from the source document.
Of all the freedoms for which the Cold War was fought, free enterprise was deemed sufficient for acquisition of all other freedoms. The task of political science should now be to expose the loose & insecure moorings of economic ideology & to develop an approach more appropriate to the realities of our time. Our new millennium is a corporate millennium that has been interpreted in the hegemonic model to mean private & free (that is, unregulated) markets. However, any theory capable of incorporating the corporation has to be one of political economy. The first section of this article identifies six state-provided assumptions homo economicus has to be able to make prior to making or entering a market, without which homo economicus stays home. The second section puts the issue in a global context by identifying three developmental tracks -- macro, meso, & micro. Their existence denies the possibility of a pure economic theory of globalization. The third section describes the distinctive politics of each of the three tracks, demonstrating still more conclusively that political economy is the only approach competent to deal with the new corporate millennium. In conclusion, the author argues that political economy is & should be the new political science that this new era requires. 30 References. Adapted from the source document.
