El presente artículo hace parte del proceso de revisión documental de la investigación doctoral: Sentidos y significados del trabajo en el escenario laboral flexible. Una aproximación al contexto de Medellín– Colombia. Objetivo: indagar sobre la flexibilidad laboral en Colombia y su contribución a la precarización del empleo. Método: revisión de literatura. Procedimiento: se realizó una revisión de artículos relacionados, se consultaron investigaciones realizadas en Colombia, medios de comunicación masivos y fuentes gubernamentales de información. Se encontró en los resultados que la flexibilidad laboral en Colombia, se ha impuesto como una exigencia de las organizaciones a los Estados en su búsqueda de competitividad y sobrevivencia, pero que ha traído pérdidas significativas a la protección legal que tenían los trabajadores, incrementando cada vez más la precarización del empleo. En Colombia la flexibilidad laboral se presenta a través de los contratos comerciales con empresas temporales, cooperativas de trabajo asociado y contratos de prestación de servicios; además de la utilización de contratos laborales a término fijo. La conclusión, a modo general, es que el incremento de la utilización de estas modalidades de relación laboral se aumenta año a año y se incrementa la pérdida de calidad del trabajo y su estabilidad, con su respectiva disminución de calidad de vida y bienestar de los trabajadores y de sus familias, es así que, la consecución del empleo se constituye en una forma de responder a la necesidad de sobrevivencia. Es de resaltar que los empleadores contratan y desvinculan al personal bajo un criterio básicamente económico, incentivando en esta lógica de relación contractual el exceso de poder del más fuerte, es decir del empleador. ; This document is part of the doctoral research: Sense and Meaning of Job in a Flexible Job Market Environment. Approach to the Medellin – Colombia case. Objective: To study the flexible job market in Colombia and its contribution to job quality deterioration. Methodology: Literature review. Procedure: review of peer articles and research done in Colombia, media releases and government available data and information. The results show that job market flexibility in Colombia has emerged as a demand from businesses to government in their pursuing for competitiveness and survival. However, it has brought in with it a significant loss of legal protection for workers, increasing the deterioration of job quality. The job market flexibility in Colombia is implemented through contracts with agency employers, workers' cooperatives and defined body work contracts, on top of definite term employment. In conclusion, and generally speaking, the use of this type of employment contract is rising every year and increases the loss of job quality and lack of stability, with the consequent deterioration on quality of life and well-being of workers and their families. In this environment, getting a job becomes a matter of survival. It is worth to note that employers hire and fire personnel under basic economic criteria, encouraging a job market ruled by the excess of power of the strongest, the employer.
This paper aims to analyze how from the negative effects of Neoliberal Economic Globalization, in peripheral countries and core countries, increased the feeling of insecurity, consequently resulting in a reduction of tolerance and a disproportionate increase in mistrust, violence and social stigma towards those who are different or strange situations that are disseminated by the media, which promote an overall sense of insecurity. With the "downsizing" state with this policy implementation, were strongly affected entities Police, which paved the way for privatization, becoming a service, which can only be accessed by those who can afford it. This change in the policies of social control and criminalization processes resulted in a different perception of common crime, becoming considered as terrorist acts, which will show how in most cases theseperceptions are constructed through policies and states of emergency in democratic contexts and whose harmful effects are unfortunately forgotten ; El presente escrito pretende analizar cómo a partir de los efectos negativos de la Globalización Económica Neoliberal, tanto en países periféricos como en los países del centro, aumentaron el sentimiento de inseguridad, trayendo como consecuencia una disminución de la tolerancia y un aumento desproporcionado de la desconfianza, la violencia y los estigmas sociales hacia quien es diferente o extraño, situaciones que son difundidas por los medios de comunicación, los cuales promueven una sensación global de inseguridad. Con el "achicamiento" del Estado con esta implementación de políticas, resultaron fuertemente afectados los entes de Policía, lo cual abrió paso a la privatización, convirtiéndose en un servicio más, al cual solo pueden acceder quienes puedan costearla. Este cambio en las políticas de control social y en los procesos de criminalización trajo como consecuencia una percepción diferente de la delincuencia común, pasando a ser considerados como actos terroristas, lo cual se mostrará qué en la mayoría de los casos estas percepciones se construyen a través de políticas y estados de excepción en contextos democráticos y cuyos nocivos efectos lamentablemente son olvidados.
Subjective Wellbeing -SWB-, the evaluation people do of their lives, has been proposed as a measure to track the development of communities instead of economic growth. As part of a more general research question in which we tested the impact of subjective insecurity on the choice of hybrid organizational modes, we hypothesized that subjective insecurity does negatively correlate with SWB and that subjective and objective insecurities are not significantly correlated. Subjective insecurity consisted of three items: perceptions of personal, political and economic insecurity. We proposed that insecurity and SWB are mediated by the level of social capital found in the region. Social capital was defined as interpersonal trust as well as the frequency of participation of producers in voluntary associations. We used a multiple and multilevel regression models to test the hypotheses. Based on a survey of 742 rural producers in five conflicted areas we tested and found that the perceptions of insecurity do correlate significantly (negatively) with levels of subjective wellbeing. We also found a significant contribution of social capital with levels of SWB. Significant correlations between demographic variables and SWB were replicated at rural areas. These results have important implications for public policy and future research. ; Al evaluar el impacto de la inseguridad subjetiva sobre la elección de modos organizacionales híbridos, planteamos como hipótesis que la inseguridad subjetiva está negativamente correlacionada con el bienestar subjetivo y que las inseguridades subjetivas y objetivas no están significativamente correlacionadas. Utilizando múltiples modelos multivariantes de regresión para probar las hipótesis, proponemos que la inseguridad y el bienestar subjetivo están mediados por el nivel de capital social hallados en la región. A partir de una encuesta a 742 productores rurales en cinco áreas de conflicto encontramos que las percepciones sobre inseguridad sí están significativamente correlacionadas ...
At present the phenomenon of food insecurity is associated with extreme poverty, which identifies persons and / or families with insufficient income to acquire the necessary goods that meet the minimum nutritional requirements; However, insecurity refers to those individuals who claim to have experienced lack of quality, quantity or intake of food at any time of day and even lack of access to food throughout the day, until they become hungry. The problem of food and nutrition is essentially structural and depends on economic, demographic, cultural, social and political factors, which has fostered a complex situation of defenselessness, poverty and increasing social vulnerability. While the urban poor share gaps with their rural counterpart, geographical location is a key component in understanding the structure, causes, and trends of poverty. In our analysis we propose to estimate food poverty and insecurity or lack of access in the regions of Sonora; As well as the conditions of vulnerability faced by said population, related to lack of education, insecurity in employment, non-belonging to a security system and being part of some indigenous group, through the Mexican Food Security Scale (EMSA, for its acronym in Spanish) included In the Intercensal Survey 2015 (EIC-2015 for its acronym in Spanish). Where the population in food poverty by income registered 20.7% while access insecurity reached 27.88% of the population of Sonora who experienced the lack of food intake. ; En la actualidad el fenómeno de la inseguridad alimentaria se asocia con la pobreza extrema, que identifica a personas y/o familias con ingresos insuficientes para adquirir los bienes necesarios que satisfagan los mínimos requerimientos nutrimentales; sin embargo, la inseguridad se refiere a aquellos individuos que aseguran haber experimentado la falta de calidad, cantidad o ingesta de nutrientes en alguna hora del día e incluso la falta de acceso a estos durante la jornada completa, hasta llegar a padecer hambre. Se trata de un problema ...
Migration is a fundamental aspect of international political economy (IPE). It encompasses every aspect of the field of study but has been distanced from IPE mainstream. Nonetheless, it is an international phenomenon that requires joint participation and negotiation between the sending and receiving countries to determine their policies. Migration generates interdependence from below, where micro-structures are initiated by the people. States, politic, economic and social aspects are inherently touched by people's mobility. In this article we will highlight the impact that remittances have on the home country, and how dependent Guatemala is on fluctuations of the host country. It will explore how remittances shape Guatemala's economy.This article will follow three main questions: Why do people migrate from Guatemala to the United States? How does emigration impact Guatemala economically and socially? What are the challenges the Guatemalan government faces and needs to overcome to move forward from an ever growing dependency on emigration? It will be argued that remittances generate a greater dependency to the US. Remittances represent one of the main incomes in Guatemala. Not only are they bound to the receiving country's volatility (e.g. economic crisis and immigration law), they are not sustainable in the long term. But underdeveloped countries have yet to realise this in their policies, as remittances feature as a cushion to the balance of payment and emigration a relief to unemployment rates. Nevertheless, it is an issue that has to be targeted immediately. Furthermore, it is argued that social networks are the cornerstone of migration. The social impact on determinants of out-migration, diaspora and return are all intertwined within security issues, where American originated gangs return to their home countries, exporting criminal behaviour (known as the cost of social remittances). (1) Maras in conjunction with organised crime are new actors in determinants of emigration. This vicious circle revolves not only around IPE but becomes an international security issue. The state must act now for it to avoid its own erosion and cataclysm in the long term, taking down its credibility, economy and security.Heated debates come afloat between international migration and economic development. On one hand, there is the assumption that economic development will enhance emigration and others who argue the opposite. This article will favour the latter argument that development will improve conditions for potential migrants to stay home. Since Guatemala's emigration came basically from political instability and insecurity, an important variable is the current economic and security situation. Internal migration and refugee movements initiated during the civil war and terror repression, were it is estimated that over 200,000 people were killed or disappeared. A politically generated migration mobilised and displaced 1.5 million people between 1981 and 1983. (2) Most people fled to neighbouring countries as refugees and asylum seekers. This migration tendency was eased once democracy returned and peace accords signed in 1996. There are currently 1.4 million Guatemalan migrants in the US, of which more than half are undocumented. Violence in Guatemala has not ceased and therefore maras or gangs, corruption and insecurity are current out-migration push factors. Development should include not only economic development (higher GDP), but should be complemented with social development that pursues poverty alleviation, education, and security.Remittances have captured most of the attention concerning migration. Worker remittances are defined as 'the quantity of currency that migrants earn abroad and then send home to their families and communities'. (3) They are a source of foreign (hard) currency and can be used towards consumption, savings, investment, affecting both the household's and the country's economy. Globally, remittances to middle and low income countries in 1990 amounted to US$ 31 billion; in 2006 the amount increased to US$ 200 billion. (4) One fourth was sent to Latin America of which US$ 52 billion were sent back and can be compared to foreign direct investment (FDI) and official development assistance (ODA) flows.A growing concern in Latin America refers to remittances vis-à-vis GDP. Mexico is the first recipient of remittances in Latin America (net billion and in 2005 represented 45% of recipient of remittances). In Guatemala, remittances constitute one of the highest sources of household income and represent a large percentage of the country's GDP (11,3%) compared to the less than 5% in Mexico. Given the importance of economic migrants sending money home, any fluctuation or variation in the receiving country will make the sending countries even more vulnerable and dependant than what they already are. Latin American countries face a big challenge: create more employment possibilities at home and persuade potential migrants to stay, or ignore and continue, in their best interest, encouraging emigration to ease unemployment rates and gain from remittances. Until now, remittances have been a consistent income for developing countries. They constitute a positive aspect of emigration. However, in the long run, a country cannot rely on 'comfortable' income from emigrants dissatisfied by their government's instability and incapacity to create jobs, and wage differential. The free ride is bound to end, and attention has to be paid before it is too late. (5) Guatemala has become excessively reliant on remittances. The main setback is that they are not sustainable in a long term. If the trend continues, further emigration will stimulate depopulation of the home country. Consequently, economic development through GDP is not the long term answer to fight off dependence on remittances. On the other hand, social and human development needs to be fostered and invest in education, healthcare, poverty reduction and security.The latter issue has given migration a new twist. It represents another major issue to governments to tackle urgently, and a determinant of further emigration due to the growing violence in the territory, just as civil war times in Guatemala. International organised crime and migration has to seek state intervention and international cooperation. If migration and security are not managed wisely, Guatemala can expect a downward spiral and meltdown in the long term. (1) Alejandro Portes, Migration and Development: A Conceptual Review of the Evidence', Working Paper, Red Internacional Migracion y Desarrollo, 2006. http://meme.phpwebhosting.com/~migracion/rimd/bellagio/2.pdf Accessed on 17/08/2010.p. 19.(2) IOM, 'Guatemala, Country Profile', http://www.iom.int/jahia/Jahia/guatemala Accessed on 01/08/2010.(3) Manuel Orozco, 'Globalization and Migration: the Impact of Family Remittances in Latin America', Latin American Politics and Society, 44:2 (Summer 2002), p. 43.(4) Acosta, Pablo, Fajnzylber, and Lopez, J. Humberto, 'How Important Are Remittances in Latin America?, in Pablo Fajnzylber and J. Humbert Lopez, eds., Remittances and Development: Lessons from Latin America. Washington DC: World Bank/The International Bank for Reconstruction and Development, 2008, p.1. http://siteresources.worldbank.org/INTLAC/Resources/Remittances_and_Development_Report.pdf Accessed on 30/08/2010.(5) Emigration has been sought as a 'necessary evil': 'supplying needed short-term economic and social benefits but also imposing immediate human and cultural host hindering long-term development'. Marc R. Rosenblum, 'Moving Beyond the Policy of No Policy: Emigration from Mexico and Central America', Latin American Politics and Society, volume 46, number 4, Winter 2004, p. 104.*Licenciada en Estudios Internacionales - Universidad ORT Uruguay.MA. International Political EconomyUniversity of Warwick Graduate
In this great diversity of dynamics and complexities we face, corruption or the abuse of public power for personal benefit, has become one of the problems that most affects the majority of the social, political and economic processes of a society, Cotte, (2014), Cotte and Lancheros (2015). This phenomenon causes low and slow economic development, weakens democratic institutions and generates political instability, social instability and insecurity that can usually lead to high levels of violence. According to studies conducted by the World Bank. (2000) and the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime - UNODC (2011), more than US$ 1 trillion is paid in bribes each year; likewise, the cost of corruption and associated fraudulent commercial activities increases to an amount of US$1.1 trillion annually. These data are considered as a relatively low estimate with respect to bribes paid worldwide, both in developed and developing countries. ; En esta gran diversidad de dinámicas y complejidades a las que nos nfrentamos, la corrupción o el abuso del poder público para beneficio personal, se ha convertido en uno de los problemas que más afecta a la mayor parte de los procesos sociales, políticos y económicos de una sociedad, Cotte, (2014), Cotte y Lancheros (2015). Este fenómeno origina bajo y lento desarrollo económico, debilita las instituciones democráticas y genera inestabilidad política, social e inseguridad que usualmente puede conducir a generar altos niveles de violencia. De acuerdo con estudios realizados por el World Bank. (2000) y la Oficina de las Naciones Unidas contra la Droga y el Delito - UNODC (2011), más de 1 billón de dólares es pagado en sobornos cada año; de igual forma, el valor de los actos de corrupción y las actividades comerciales fraudulentas asociadas aumenta hasta un monto de US $ 1,1 billones de dólares anuales. Estos datos son considerados como una estimación relativamente baja con respecto a los sobornos pagados en todo el mundo,tanto en países desarrollados y en vías de desarrollo.
The levels of violence and insecurity in Mexico have increased since the implementation of the 'war against drug cartels" in 2006. This article seeks to identify the press framing of criminal acts against entrepreneurs and their small and mediumsized enterprises (SMEs) in Mexico. A content analysis was performed on press news from United States (U.S.), Mexico and the European Union (EU). The results show that the newspapers from the U.S. and the EU have more news than the Mexicans. The results also show that violent acts towards entrepreneurs are covered using the conflict frame in the EU, economic consequences frame in the U.S. and morality frame in Mexico. ; Los niveles de violencia e inseguridad en México han aumentado desde el inicio de la "guerra contra el narcotráfico" en 2006. En este artículo se busca conocer el tratamiento informativo que se ha prestado a este hecho en la prensa, en especial respecto de los actos delictivos cometidos sobre los pequeños y medianos empresarios del país y sus negocios o Pymes. Se realizó un análisis de contenido de noticias de prensa proveniente de Estados Unidos (EE.UU.), México y la Unión Europea (UE). Los resultados muestran que los periódicos de EE.UU y la UE presentan más noticias que los mexicanos. Además, domina la cobertura de las acciones violentas sobre los propios empresarios, principalmente desde un encuadre noticioso de conflicto en la UE, de consecuencias económicas en EE.UU. y moralidad en México.
Resumen: El clima emocional no es la simple suma de las emociones individuales sino un afecto colectivo generado por cómo los individuos interactúan unos con otros como respuestas colectivas a sus condiciones económicas, políticas y sociales (de Rivera, 2014). Por su parte, en el contexto argentino la inseguridad es el principal problema social percibido en los últimos años. Sobre este marco, se realizó un estudio con el objetivo de analizar el clima emocional, la percepción de inseguridad y el miedo al delito junto a otros factores psicosociales asociados, y de explorar los perfiles perceptivos diferenciales según el auto-posicionamiento ideológico. La muestra, intencional, estuvo compuesta por 516 estudiantes universitarios. Los resultados dan cuenta de un clima emocional negativo (enfado y desesperanza), baja confianza institucional, frustración anómica y alta percepción de inseguridad. Se observan diferencias al comparar a los participantes en función de su autoposicionamiento ideológico. La percepción del clima emocional es más positivo cuánto más a la izquierda se ubican los participantes, manifestando mayor seguridad, menor desesperanza y enfado. Exhiben además menos miedo al delito, menor preocupación por la inseguridad y menor probabilidad de victimización. Sin embargo, quienes se posicionan ideológicamente hacia la derecha muestran mayores niveles de frustración anómica, y la confianza (o desconfianza) institucional varía por el posicionamiento ideológico en función de la institución. Finalmente, la heteropercepción de inseguridad es mayor que la autopercepción, surgiendo de este modo mecanismos defensivos como la ilusión de invulnerabilidad, que conllevan mayor riesgo. ; Abstract: An emotional climate is not the mere sum of individual emotions but a collective phenomenon generated by how individuals interact with others as collective answers to their economic, political and social conditions (de Rivera, 2014). Meanwhile, in the Argentine context, insecurity is the main social problem perceived in the last years. On this frame, a study was conducted with the aim of analyzing the emotional climate, the perception of insecurity and the fear of crime along with other psychosocial factors, and of exploring differential perceptive profiles according to the ideological self-positioning. The sample, intentional, was composed by 516 college students. The results show a negative emotional climate (anger and hopelessness), low institutional trust, anomic frustration and high perception of insecurity. Differences were observed when comparing the participant´s perception in function of their ideological self-positioning. Perception of a positive emotional climate is greater among people who are more oriented to the left, showing more security, less hopelessness and anger. Also, participants with left political orientation exhibit less fear of crime, less concern about insecurity and a minor probability of victimization risk. However, those who were positioned ideologically towards the right show higher levels of anomic frustration, and institutional trust (or distrust) varies by ideological positioning depending on the institution which is being evaluated. Finally, the others perception of insecurity is greater than the own perception, thus emerging as defensive mechanisms illusion of invulnerability, which carry higher risk.
El presente artículo busca establecer la contribución de los factores político, educativo y económico en la seguridad ciudadana de Lima Metropolitana puesto que actualmente el principal problema existente es la inseguridad ciudadana tanto a nivel distrital como a nivel nacional. Para el desarrollo de esta investigación se utilizó el método cualitativo, cuantitativo, correlacional y transversal. El tipo de estudio es analítico, descriptivo y aplicativo. Se emplearon herramientas estadísticas y de recolección de datos de fuentes primarias tales como cuestionarios y entrevistas, así como la obtención de datos a través de fuentes secundarias. Como fuentes primarias los datos obtenidos fueron de los 43 distritos de Lima Metropolitana y cuya muestra total corresponde a 384 personas encuestadas respecto a los factores de orden político, educativo y económico y su incidencia en la seguridad ciudadana en cada localidad distrital. Los resultados expresaron que los factores políticos educativos y económicos constituyen variables importantes que determinarán el nivel de seguridad ciudadana en Lima Metropolitana.Como conclusiones y propuestas del trabajo de investigación es importante considerar que la seguridad ciudadana constituye una política de estado que es de responsabilidad y compromiso del gobierno, quien debe delinear las políticas y estrategias para enfrentar en forma efectiva los principales problemas de delincuencia, violencia, percepción de inseguridad ciudadana y la corrupción. Esta última existente en los diferentes niveles de orden interno y administración de justicia tales como la Policía Nacional, El Poder Judicial y el Ministerio Publico en Lima Metropolitana, así como en el País. Así mismo debería tomarse en cuenta las recomendaciones efectuadas a mayor detalle tanto a nivel de orden político, educativo y económico propuesto en el presente trabajo de investigación. ; The present research is aimed to establish the contribution of the political, educational and economic factors in the Citizen security in Lima as the main existing problem the insecurity at the district and national level. For the development of this research the qualitative, quantitative, correlational and transversal method was used. The type of study is analytical, descriptive and application. For the development of this research used statistical tools and data collection from primary sources such as questionnaires and interviews and data collection through secondary sources. As primary sources of data were the 43 districts of Lima and whose total sample is 384 respondents regarding factors of political, educational and economic order and its impact in the security citizen in every district town. The results show that education and economic and political factors are important variables that determine the level of Citizen Security.Conclusions and proposals of the research is important to consider that public safety is a state policy that is the responsibility and commitment of the government, which should outline policies and strategies to deal effectively with the major problems of crime, violence , perception of insecurity and corruption. The latter existing at different levels of internal order and administration of justice such as the National Police, the Judiciary and the Public Ministry in Lima and in the country. Also it should take into account the recommendations made in more detail at the level of political, educational and economic order proposed in this research.
Free trade agreements have been known to have numerous benefits, especially from an economic point of view, however, it has been argued that for them to be successful, they ought to be complemented by a conducive socio-economic –and by extension political environment. Regrettably, the African Continental Free Trade Area agreement (AfCFTA) arrived at a time when Africa was economically and politically unstable; conflict and economic insecurity have exacerbated the lack of development in the contintent. As a result of the above, this paper seeks to understand how African states will navigate their various economic and, by extension, political interests in the hope of contributing to the success of the AfCFTA. Finally, the paper will answer whether Africa is ready for a free trade agreement by employing a qualitative research approach and reviewing current literature. ; Se sabe que los acuerdos de libre comercio tienen numerosos beneficios, especialmente desde el punto de vista económico, sin embargo, se ha argumentado que para que tengan éxito, deben complementarse con un entorno socioeconómico y, por extensión, político propicio. Lamentablemente, en África, el acuerdo ACFTA llegó en un período de inestabilidad económica y política; los conflictos y la inestabilidad económica han agravado el desarrollo en el continente. Por lo tanto, dentro de la premisa de lo anterior, utilizando un enfoque de investigación cualitativa a través de la literatura de revisión, este artículo busca comprender cómo los estados africanos navegarán a través de sus diferentes intereses económicos y, por extensión, políticos con la esperanza de contribuir al éxito de la economía africana. Continental Free Trade Area, al final, el documento responderá si África está lista o no para un acuerdo de libre comercio.
In Colombia, the perception of safety is a changing indicator that is constantly affected by internal and external shocks, and whose increasement generates a productive discouragement and loss of incentives in the economic sectors. This research makes a quantitative analysis of the factors affecting this perception in Colombia, based on the Cohabitation and Citizen Security Survey (ECSC by its acronym in Spanish) conducted by the National Administrative Department of Statistics (DANE by its acronym in Spanish) in 2014, in order to establish the national development rates that infer in the perception of the community and repercussion on the current economic and political environment. ; En Colombia, la percepción de seguridad es un indicador cambiante que se ve constantemente afectado por choques internos y externos, y cuyo incremento genera un desestimulo productivo y la pérdida de incentivos en los sectores económicos. Esta investigación hace un análisis cuantitativo de los factores que afectan dicha percepción en Colombia, con base en la Encuesta de Convivencia y Seguridad Ciudadana (ECSC) de 2014 realizada por el DANE, con el fin de establecer los índices de desarrollo nacional que infieren en la percepción de la comunidad y repercusiones en el entorno económico-político actual. ; En Colombie, la perception d'insécurité est un indicateur changeant, se trouvant constamment affecté par des chocs internes ou externes, et dont la progression génère un stress productif et une perte de confiance des secteurs économiques. Cette investigation se base sur l'Enquête de Cohabitation et Sécurité Citoyenne (ECSC) réalisée en 2014 par le DANE (Département National de Statistiques) et propose une analyse quantitative des facteurs qui génèrent une perception d'insécurité en Colombie. L'objectif de cette investigation étant d'établir les indicateurs du développement national qui influent sur la perception de la communauté et se répercutent sur l'environnement économique et politique actuel. ; Na Colômbia, a percepção de segurança é um indicador de mudança que é constantemente afetada por choques internos e externos, e que gera um aumento de produção de desânimo e perda de incentivos em setores da economia. Esta pesquisa faz uma análise quantitativa dos fatores que afetam essa percepção na Colômbia, com base na Pesquisa de Segurança Cidadã (CECA) 2014 conduzido por DANE, a fim de estabelecer as taxas de desenvolvimento nacional que inferem na percepção da comunidade e o impacto no ambiente econômico-político atual.
El clima emocional no es la simple suma de las emociones individuales sino un afecto colectivo generado por cómo los individuos interactúan unos con otros como respuestas colectivas a sus condiciones económicas, políticas y sociales (de Rivera, 2014). Por su parte, en el contexto argentino la inseguridad es el principal problema social percibido en los últimos años. Sobre este marco, se realizó un estudio con el objetivo de analizar el clima emocional, la percepción de inseguridad y el miedo al delito junto a otros factores psicosociales asociados, y de explorar los perfiles perceptivos diferenciales según el auto-posicionamiento ideológico. La muestra, intencional, estuvo compuesta por 516 estudiantes universitarios. Los resultados dan cuenta de un clima emocional negativo (enfado y desesperanza), baja confianza institucional, frustración anómica y alta percepción de inseguridad. Se observan diferencias al comparar a los participantes en función de su auto-posicionamiento ideológico. La percepción del clima emocional es más positivo cuánto más a la izquierda se ubican los participantes, manifestando mayor seguridad, menor desesperanza y enfado. Exhiben además menos miedo al delito, menor preocupación por la inseguridad y menor probabilidad de victimización. Sin embargo, quienes se posicionan ideológicamente hacia la derecha muestran mayores niveles de frustración anómica, y la confianza (o desconfianza) institucional varía por el posicionamiento ideológico en función de la institución. Finalmente, la heteropercepción de inseguridad es mayor que la autopercepción, surgiendo de este modo mecanismos defensivos como la ilusión de invulnerabilidad, que conllevan mayor riesgo. ; An emotional climate is not the mere sum of individual emotions but a collective phenomenon generated by how individuals interact with others as collective answers to their economic, political and social conditions (de Rivera, 2014). Meanwhile, in the Argentine context, insecurity is the main social problem perceived in the last years. On this frame, a study was conducted with the aim of analyzing the emotional climate, the perception of insecurity and the fear of crime along with other psychosocial factors, and of exploring differential perceptive profiles according to the ideological self-positioning. The sample, intentional, was composed by 516 college students. The results show a negative emotional climate (anger and hopelessness), low institutional trust, anomic frustration and high perception of insecurity. Differences were observed when comparing the participant´s perception in function of their ideological self-positioning. Perception of a positive emotional climate is greater among people who are more oriented to the left, showing more security, less hopelessness and anger. Also, participants with left political orientation exhibit less fear of crime, less concern about insecurity and a minor probability of victimization risk. However, those who were positioned ideologically towards the right show higher levels of anomic frustration, and institutional trust (or distrust) varies by ideological positioning depending on the institution which is being evaluated. Finally, the others perception of insecurity is greater than the own perception, thus emerging as defensive mechanisms illusion of invulnerability, which carry higher risk. ; Fil: Muratori, Marcela. Pontificia Universidad Católica Argentina "Santa María de los Buenos Aires"; Argentina. Consejo Nacional de Investigaciones Científicas y Técnicas; Argentina ; Fil: Zubieta, Elena Mercedes. Consejo Nacional de Investigaciones Científicas y Técnicas; Argentina. Universidad de Buenos Aires. Facultad de Psicología; Argentina
The book organized by Natalia Bermúdez and María Elena Previtali gives an account of some of the edges from which we can understand, ask and requestion about the policies produced around security in the city of Córdoba. Through ethnographic and sociological works, Merodear la ciudad investigates the heterogeneity of meanings and singular experiences, and takes into consideration the economic, political, cultural and historical processes that influence the conformation of socio-space scenarios and the use and experimentation of society. This book generates a contribution to the discussion on "insecurity" in Cordoba from an anthropological perspective that problematizes the phenomenon and focuses on the impact that public policies on "security" in recent decades have had on middle and popular sectors. ; El libro que organizan Natalia Bermúdez y María Elena Previtali permite dar cuenta de algunas de las aristas desde las que se puede comprender, preguntar y re preguntar por las políticas producidas alrededor de la seguridad en la ciudad de Córdoba. Mediante trabajos etnográficos y sociológicos, Merodear la ciudad indaga sobre la heterogeneidad de significados y experiencias singulares, a la vez que pone en consideración los procesos económicos, políticos, culturales e históricos que inciden en la conformación de los escenarios socio-espaciales, y en el uso y experimentación de la sociedad. Este libro genera un aporte a la discusión sobre "la inseguridad" en Córdoba desde una mirada antropológica que problematiza el fenómeno y examina el impacto que las políticas públicas sobre "seguridad" y habitacionales de las últimas décadas han tenido sobre los sectores populares y medios.
The book organized by Natalia Bermúdez and María Elena Previtali gives an account of some of the edges from which we can understand, ask and requestion about the policies produced around security in the city of Córdoba. Through ethnographic and sociological works, Merodear la ciudad investigates the heterogeneity of meanings and singular experiences, and takes into consideration the economic, political, cultural and historical processes that influence the conformation of socio-space scenarios and the use and experimentation of society. This book generates a contribution to the discussion on "insecurity" in Cordoba from an anthropological perspective that problematizes the phenomenon and focuses on the impact that public policies on "security" in recent decades have had on middle and popular sectors. ; El libro que organizan Natalia Bermúdez y María Elena Previtali permite dar cuenta de algunas de las aristas desde las que se puede comprender, preguntar y re preguntar por las políticas producidas alrededor de la seguridad en la ciudad de Córdoba. Mediante trabajos etnográficos y sociológicos, Merodear la ciudad indaga sobre la heterogeneidad de significados y experiencias singulares, a la vez que pone en consideración los procesos económicos, políticos, culturales e históricos que inciden en la conformación de los escenarios socio-espaciales, y en el uso y experimentación de la sociedad. Este libro genera un aporte a la discusión sobre "la inseguridad" en Córdoba desde una mirada antropológica que problematiza el fenómeno y examina el impacto que las políticas públicas sobre "seguridad" y habitacionales de las últimas décadas han tenido sobre los sectores populares y medios.
This paper analyzes two issues that are closely related: first, from a critical perspective, the current Spanish labor relations model, subjected to an ongoing process of reforms aimed at promoting employment but which, in practice, end up strengthening the employers' unilateral power within productive organizations, thus depriving the workers of substantial rights they had invested decades in acquiring. Second, we address the situation of a growing group of people who have been driven out of the job market and into the welfare system, which has also been deeply affected by economic cuts. The complex Spanish welfare model, managed by the Autonomous Communities, does not guarantee coverage of minimum requirements for this group, which is leading to an undesirable regression: we are gradually returning to a charity-care model, unworthy of a social and democratic state of law. To this end, we will explain the current model of social services in the institutional framework of the welfare state and then discuss some of the current difficulties, due to the economic crisis, exacerbated by the recent labor reform. While our thoughts are focused on the legal framework and the Spanish labor reality, they may be extrapolated to other countries around us. ; Este artículo analiza dos cuestiones que se encuentran íntimamente relacionadas. En primer lugar, desde una perspectiva crítica, se efectúa una reflexión sobre el actual modelo de relaciones laborales español, sometido a un proceso permanente de reformas encaminadas a fomentar el empleo, aunque en la práctica se están traduciendo en un reforzamiento del poder unilateral del empresario en el seno de las organizaciones productivas, que priva a los trabajadores de derechos sustanciales en cuya conquista se invirtieron décadas. En segundo término, se aborda la incorporación de un creciente colectivo de personas expulsadas del mercado de trabajo al sistema asistencial, que también se encuentra profundamente afectado por los recortes económicos. El complejo modelo asistencial español, gestionado por las Comunidades Autónomas, no garantiza a este colectivo la cobertura mínima de necesidades, lo cual está desembocando en una nada deseable regresión: paulatinamente se está retornando a un modelo benéfico-asistencial, impropio de un Estado social y democrático de Derecho. Para ello, se explicará el modelo actual de servicios sociales, en el marco institucional del estado de bienestar y posteriormente se expondrán algunas de las dificultades actuales, consecuencia de la crisis económica, agravada por la reciente reforma laboral. Aunque las reflexiones se centran en el ordenamiento jurídico y la realidad laboral española, son extrapolables a otros países del entorno. ; Esta comunicação analisa duas questões que se encontram intimamente relacionadas. No primeiro lugar, desde uma perspectiva crítica, efetua-se uma reflexão sobre o atual modelo de relações laborais espanhol, submetido a um processo permanente de reformas encaminhadas a fomentar o emprego ainda que, na prática estão se traduzindo em um reforçamento do poder unilateral do empresário no seio das organizações produtivas, que priva aos trabalhadores de direitos substanciais em cuja conquista inverteram-se décadas. Em segundo plano, aborda-se a incorporação de um crescente coletivo de pessoas expulsadas do mercado de trabalho ao sistema assistencial, que também se encontra profundamente afetado pelos recortes econômicos. O complexo modelo assistencial espanhol, administrado pelas Comunidades Autônomas, não garante a este coletivo a cobertura mínima de necessidades, o que está desembocando em uma nada desejável regressão: paulatinamente estamos retornando a um modelo benéfico-assistencial, impróprio de um Estado social e democrático de Direito. Para isso, explicaremos o modelo atual de serviços sociais, no marco institucional do Estado de bem-estar e posteriormente se exporão algumas das dificuldades atuais, consequência da crise econômica, agravada pela reciente reforma laboral. Ainda que nossas reflexões centram-se no Ordenamento jurídico e a realidade laboral espanhola, são extrapoláveis a outros países de nosso entorno.
