Suchergebnisse

The 'people first' imperative -- Universalizing healthcare -- Battling malnutrition and food insecurity -- Ensuring quality schooling -- Caring for the young child -- Improving livelihoods, creating jobs -- Unshackling gendered mindsets -- Promoting planned urbanization -- The way forward: principles, actions and sustainability.

"Poverty is a complex global challenge rooted in intertwined social, economic and political factors, which excludes people from participating fully in normalised social and market-based activities. The COVID-19 pandemic has exacerbated poverty-related issues such as food insecurity, and growing numbers of people are having to rely on welfare assistance. This pandemic, coupled with austerity measures implemented across many European countries over the past years, has impacted negatively on towns, cities, regions and countries, leaving places and communities depleted. This edited volume curates a collection of relevant research addressing the challenges of poverty and the political-economic measures that perpetuate it. It adopts a cross-disciplinary approach to covering relevant theories, methodologies and policy-oriented research, highlighting the interlinkages between poverty and austerity that have resulted since the 2008 financial crisis. In particular, the book focuses on food insecurity as one of the most extreme manifestations of poverty, but also addresses interconnected issues such as unemployment, homelessness and poor health. The contributors primarily utilise diverse qualitative methods that give voice to lived experiences of poverty, while also considering quantitative approaches that are essential for measuring food insecurity and modelling the impacts of austerity. The book will be of significant interest to anyone researching poverty and austerity with an interest in social policy, human and cultural geography, marketing and consumer culture, economic policy, public health and sustainability"--

Different factors explain the catastrophic human development situation in Burundi. First of all the structural insecurity persists after a decade of ethnic and internal political struggle. Even after the Arusha peace agreement of 2000, the insecurity violence, internal displacements and political struggle persist because the agreement was not able to convince and pay off all actors involved. This pervasive insecurity internally is compounded with the turmoil in the region and explains largely the dismal performance of almost all human and economic development indicators. Only the record on economic governance and stabilisation has not been bad taken into consideration the isolation of Burundi on the international front. Indeed after an embargo that lasted for more than two years and an nearly complete stop of international aid flows after 1995 it is remarkable that the disequilibria of budget and balance of payment are not more pronounced. Under the same conditions Rwanda would have a far less good record but that country has been able to mobilise huge external funds and entry into the HIPC and PRSP financing. Even RDCongo who has been internationally isolated for more than a decade has now been able to have access to international aid. There are no technical economic reasons why Burundi should be treated differently and politically the reasons that favoured Rwanda and isolated Burundi have now petered out.

Different factors explain the catastrophic human development situation in Burundi. First of all the structural insecurity persists after a decade of ethnic and internal political struggle. Even after the Arusha peace agreement of 2000, the insecurity violence, internal displacements and political struggle persist because the agreement was not able to convince and pay off all actors involved. This pervasive insecurity internally is compounded with the turmoil in the region and explains largely the dismal performance of almost all human and economic development indicators. Only the record on economic governance and stabilisation has not been bad taken into consideration the isolation of Burundi on the international front. Indeed after an embargo that lasted for more than two years and an nearly complete stop of international aid flows after 1995 it is remarkable that the disequilibria of budget and balance of payment are not more pronounced. Under the same conditions Rwanda would have a far less good record but that country has been able to mobilise huge external funds and entry into the HIPC and PRSP financing. Even RDCongo who has been internationally isolated for more than a decade has now been able to have access to international aid. There are no technical economic reasons why Burundi should be treated differently and politically the reasons that favoured Rwanda and isolated Burundi have now petered out.

Different factors explain the catastrophic human development situation in Burundi. First of all the structural insecurity persists after a decade of ethnic and internal political struggle. Even after the Arusha peace agreement of 2000, the insecurity violence, internal displacements and political struggle persist because the agreement was not able to convince and pay off all actors involved. This pervasive insecurity internally is compounded with the turmoil in the region and explains largely the dismal performance of almost all human and economic development indicators. Only the record on economic governance and stabilisation has not been bad taken into consideration the isolation of Burundi on the international front. Indeed after an embargo that lasted for more than two years and an nearly complete stop of international aid flows after 1995 it is remarkable that the disequilibria of budget and balance of payment are not more pronounced. Under the same conditions Rwanda would have a far less good record but that country has been able to mobilise huge external funds and entry into the HIPC and PRSP financing. Even RDCongo who has been internationally isolated for more than a decade has now been able to have access to international aid. There are no technical economic reasons why Burundi should be treated differently and politically the reasons that favoured Rwanda and isolated Burundi have now petered out.

Different factors explain the catastrophic human development situation in Burundi. First of all the structural insecurity persists after a decade of ethnic and internal political struggle. Even after the Arusha peace agreement of 2000, the insecurity violence, internal displacements and political struggle persist because the agreement was not able to convince and pay off all actors involved. This pervasive insecurity internally is compounded with the turmoil in the region and explains largely the dismal performance of almost all human and economic development indicators. Only the record on economic governance and stabilisation has not been bad taken into consideration the isolation of Burundi on the international front. Indeed after an embargo that lasted for more than two years and an nearly complete stop of international aid flows after 1995 it is remarkable that the disequilibria of budget and balance of payment are not more pronounced. Under the same conditions Rwanda would have a far less good record but that country has been able to mobilise huge external funds and entry into the HIPC and PRSP financing. Even RDCongo who has been internationally isolated for more than a decade has now been able to have access to international aid. There are no technical economic reasons why Burundi should be treated differently and politically the reasons that favoured Rwanda and isolated Burundi have now petered out.

Hispano-American civil wars traditionally have been an important factor of political instability and economic insecurity. They had been pointed out as an important cause of national backwardness and underdevelopment in the nineteenth century. However,these representations have been built with many prejudices and little study, by foreigners and international observers. New research has succeeded in clarifying the political and economic significance of the wars , and in this sense , this article provides an overview of the Civil War of 1851 from its economic and social costs,the financial and management problems involving the State of New Granada,its harmful effects on public spending and how it disrupted the rhythms of work and domestic production. Even so , this conflict,like every plight assumed by the nineteenth-century state ,also led to its agencies and bureaucrats to work efficiently and rationality, with sensitivity to public matters,and serve as a body for the management and control over the population and the territory. In any case , despite its feared effects , the war was not a total disaster for the economy. It stimulated a questionable scenario for traders,speculators and contractors who sought access to public resources in a rather restricted economic context. ; Tradicionalmente las guerras civiles hispanoamericanas han significado un importante factor de inestabilidad política e inseguridad económica,a las que se les ha endilgado hasta la exageración el atraso y el subdesarrollo nacional durante el siglo XIX. Sin embargo,estas representaciones han sido construidas con muchos prejuicios y poco estudio,por parte de extranjeros y observadores internacionales. Nuevas investigaciones han logrado precisar el significado político y económico de las guerras, y en este sentido , el presente artículo ofrece un panorama de la Guerra Civil de 1851 desde sus costos económicos y sociales, el problema financiero y de administración que implicó para el Estado neogranadino , sus nefastos efectos sobre el gasto público y la forma como trastocó los ritmos del trabajo y la producción nacional. Sin embargo ,esta contienda ,como toda situación apremiante asumida por el Estado decimonónico , también indujo a sus dependencias y burócratas a desempeñarse con eficiencia y racionalidad , con sensibilidad por la "cosa pública" y a fungir como ente de administración y control sobre la población y el territorio. En todo caso y a pesar de sus temidos efectos ,la guerra no fue un total desastre para la economía nacional,aunque estimuló un cuestionado escenario para negociantes ,especuladores y contratistas que pretendían acceder a los recursos públicos ,en un contexto económico bastante restringido.

One of the unintended consequences of coronavirus disease 2019 (COVID-19) preventive protocols that restricted movements and disrupted livelihoods was the changing nature of criminal behaviour from the streets to residential neighbourhoods. While studies on COVID-19 have focussed on economic losses, disrupted livelihoods and changes in social relations, scant attempt has been made to understand how fear of insecurity during the health pandemic could reinforce the need for community policing. Against this background, this study investigated community mobilisation against insecurity of lives and properties during COVID-19 pandemic lockdown in Ibadan, Nigeria. Using participant observation and in-depth interviews with 15 purposively selected residents, the study shows how collective perceived insecurity can engender social and communal bonding in the formation of defensible spaces. Findings showed that mobilisation for community policing was executed because of the insecurity experienced in neighbouring communities. A decentralised mechanism was established to allow zonal community executives take charge of their community security. This involved daily midnight house-to-house mobilisation with whistle, deployment of vigilante to hotspots, burn fires to signal the presence of community guards and decentralisation of residents into different patrol groups to community borders to guard against invasion.

AbstractRepeated shocks to fragile economies call into question the feasibility of the achievement of the sustainable development goals. This study uses a gender‐dynamic computable general equilibrium model linked to a micro model to assess the impacts of the war in Ukraine and climate shocks on SDG1, SDG2, SDG5 and SDG8 for Burkina Faso's economy. The results reveal negative impacts on economic growth with an increase in food insecurity and household poverty. Urban households are the most affected by food insecurity, while unskilled men are most likely to lose their jobs in the short run. In the long run, however, women experience more job losses than men.

Abstract Rural‐urban differences in the association of food insecurity and hunger with income suggest that the cost of living is substantially lower in rural than in urban areas. This implies that the official poverty rate overstates rural economic hardship compared with that in urban areas. Geographic differences in cost of living implied by the association between food insecurity and income provide some validation of the cost of housing adjustment proposed by the National Academy of Sciences (NAS) panel on improving the measurement of poverty, but suggest that the NAS adjustment generally overcorrects for cost of living and would be seriously problematic in some regions.

SUMMARY
We study the effect of a reduction in employment protection on workers' fertility decisions. Using data from the Italian Labor Force Survey for 2013–18, we analyse how the propensity to have a child has been affected by the 2015 labour market reform dubbed the 'Jobs Act', which reduced employment protection for employees of larger firms while leaving small firms essentially untouched. We take a Difference-in-Differences identification approach and compare the change in fertility decisions of women employed in large firms with that of women in small firms. We find that the former's probability of having a child is 1.4 percentage points lower. A battery of robustness checks confirms this finding. The effect also holds when possible sorting issues are accounted for by an instrumental variable approach. We document substantial heterogeneous effects by age, marital status, parity and geographical area as well as by education and earnings. Our findings suggest the potential unintended consequences on fertility that labour market reforms introducing greater flexibility may have by heightening career insecurity.

Although the effects of insecurity are believed to be important, these have never been directly measured. Previous estimates of the costs of conflict have only captured the joint effect of violence and insecurity. The distinction is important for understanding the origins of the costs and for policy design. Spatially disaggregated measures of insecurity are created based on the spatial-temporal variation in the placement of violence. These are used to generate the first estimates of the relative causal contributions of the risk and experience of violence. The article also provides the first micro-data based counterpart to the cross-country literature on the costs of conflict.

Inequality and American political consciousness -- Rising inequality : a history of political-economic change -- The formation of economic consciousness -- The development of economic consciousness -- Economic realism, American exceptionalism, and their impact on attitudes and voter preferences -- Class is a five letter dirty word : or how the media fail to cover inequality -- Inequality and media effects on public opinion -- The economics of disillusionment : growing resistance to neoliberal political-economy -- Rebellion in America : protest, inequality, and insecurity.

The paper looks into the justifiability of cirticisms levelled at the role of the World Bank. The meaning & guidelines of two major legal & economic reforms in Croatia are outlined: the changes in labour laws & the implementation of pension reform. The first part of the text deals with the role of deregulation policy, which has probably improved labour market flexibility, but also significantly increased job insecurity. The second part is devoted to the pension reform as an example of privatizing public service sector. The paper investigates the goals of the World Bank as well as the local reform participants. The final part of the paper offers brief conclusions. The main argument is that the described structural accommodations have been designed primarily with the criterion of economic efficiency in mind while the social aspects have been systematically overlooked. 2 Tables, 4 Figures, 47 References. Adapted from the source document.