Political Parties and Party Systems
In: Politicka misao, Band 33, Heft 1, S. 247-248
In: Politicka misao, Band 33, Heft 1, S. 247-248
In: Politicka misao, Band 31, Heft 4, S. 180-185
Nove stranke, koje su se pojavile nakon pokreta 15-M te kao odgovor na mjere štednje u Španjolskoj, žele se razvijati kao stranke otvorene za sudjelovanje i deliberaciju svih građana. U kojoj se mjeri ostvaruju ti ideali? Cilj je ovog članka opisati i vrednovati procese online deliberacije dviju najvažnijih stranaka u Španjolskoj, Podemos i Barcelona En Comú, na temelju uobičajenih kriterija u literaturi kojima se mjeri online deliberacija. Konkretno, analizirali smo dva prijedloga o kojima se najviše glasovalo na online platformi Plaza Podemos te online razvoj izbornog programa stranke Barcelona En Comú. Provedena je analiza sadržaja 713 objava s online platforme Plaza Podemos i 563 objave koje se tiču izbornog programa stranke Barcelona En Comú. Obje platforme posjeduju strukturne i tehničke kriterije za poticanje deliberacije, ali je vanjski utjecaj vidljiv samo u slučaju stranke Barcelona En Comú. Kvaliteta deliberativne komunikacije je dobra, ali kriteriji refleksivnosti, inkluzije i pluralnosti nisu zadovoljeni. ; The new parties that emerged following the 15-M movement and against the austerity measures in Spain want to build parties open to the participation and deliberation for all the citizenry. To what extent are these ideals being fulfilled? The aim of this article is to describe and assess some of the main online deliberative processes of the two most important parties, Podemos and Barcelona En Comú, following commonly accepted criteria in the literature for measuring online deliberation. Specifically, we have examined the two most-voted proposals from the online platform Plaza Podemos and the online development of the electoral programme of Barcelona En Comú. Thus, we have conducted a content analysis of 713 (Plaza Podemos) and 563 (Barcelona En Comú) posts. Both platforms meet the structural and technical criteria for fostering deliberation, but the external impact is high only in the case of Barcelona En Comú. The deliberative quality of the communication is good but not the criteria of reflexivity, inclusion and plurality.
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Autor u radu na temelju dostupnih arhivskih izvora, tiska i relevantne literature analizira i rekonstruira odnos Franje Tuđmana i političara pravaške orijentacije iz pravaških stranaka. Osnovna je istraživačka hipoteza da je odnos između Tuđmana i Hrvatske stranke prava (HSP) kao stožerne pravaške stranke u hrvatskome političkom životu i stranačkom sustavu imao dvije razvojne faze. U prvoj fazi koja je trajala od 1990. do 1993. bila je nazočna radikalna kritika Tuđmana i njegove vlasti, koji je s druge strane također negativno gledao i osuđivao radikalnu politiku pravaškog vodstva, naročito ustašonostalgiju. Druga faza od 1993. do 1999. je ona nakon pravaškog raskola i promjene u vodstvu HSP-a pa sve do Tuđmanove smrti. Kritika HSP-a na račun Tuđmana je u toj fazi izostala, a sam Tuđman je prema HSP-u i novom vodstvu bio iznimno tolerantan. ; Based on the archive materials, press analysis and relevant literature review, the author reconstructs the relationship between Franjo Tuđman and far right political parties in Croatia. The main argument is that the relationship between Tuđman and HSP (leading far right party) had two phases of development. Throughout the first phase (1990-1993) there was radical critique directed towards Tuđman and his government. Tuđman on the other hand never approved of the fact that HSP was using Ustaše symbols and myths to gain popularity. The beginning of the second phase was marked by the change in HSP leadership. Throughout the second phase HSP was less critical about Tuđman and the state leadership. Tuđman on the other hand tolerated HSP and its political activity.
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It is the authors' ambition to answer the following question: to what extend does the political parties of national minorities influence on the cultural autonomy in Serbia. With an intention of answering the research question the author analize the role of minority parties in establishing of National Minorities Councils (NMCs). NMCs are the main institution of cultural autonomy in Serbia. There are twenty three minority groups who have established National Minority Council, there for author of this paper selected two minority groups as case studies: Hungarian and Croats. Political parties of national minorities play a major role in the integration process, their role in the field of political integration is clear, however, the influence of these parties, as the main generators of national minority interests, on cultural autonomy and social integration has not been sufficiently explored. The aim of this paper is to examine the following hypothesis: Cultural autonomy in Serbia is primarily domain, even monopolized by minorities' parties. In order to determine the character of the impact of political parties on the work of NMCs first step will be to distinguish main features of the model of cultural autonomy applied in Serbia. In following will be given a brief overview of minority parties development with special emphasis on their position in political and party system of Serbia. Finally the impact of minority parties on the functioning of NMCs will be presented, through two parameters: participation in elections for NMCS and decision-making process. The first parameter is dedicated to analysis of the results and the subjects of the campaigns. The second parameter relates to the degree of inclusiveness of the decision-making process.
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Autor analizira transformaciju Hrvatske demokratske zajednice (HDZ) u tip prezidencijalizirane stranke, koja se kao novi obrazac stranačke organizacije pojavljuje u sklopu šireg procesa prezidencijalizacije politike. Prezidencijalizacija političkih stranaka zamjećuje se u svim oblicima stranačke organizacije: u stranačkoj središnjici, stranci u Vladi i u parlamentarnoj stranačkoj frakciji. Autor najprije daje kratak pregled nastanka i razvoja HDZ-a do 2000. godine i dolaska Ive Sanadera na čelo stranke, određujući tu godinu kao demarkacijsku točku demokratske transformacije u Hrvatskoj i argumentirajući zašto istraživanjem neće obuhvatiti razvoj stranačke organizacije HDZ-a prije 2000. Zatim rastvara kontingentne i strukturne promjene u stranci i obrazlaže ih teorijskim i metodološkim alatima koncepta prezidencijalizacije. Promatrajući procese na sve tri razine demokratske politike, pokušava utvrditi uklapa li se HDZ u obrazac prezidencijalizirane stranke. Analiza je pokazala da se HDZ može svrstati u tip predsjedničke stranke koja je nastala kao rezultat tendencijske prezidencijalizacije stranačke strukture. Primijenjeni empirijski indikatori otkrivaju kako se HDZ oblikovao u tip prezidencijalizirane stranke na sve tri razine demokratske politike: stranačke organizacije, izbornog procesa i izvršne vlasti. ; The author analyses the transformation of the Croatian Democratic Union (Hrvatska demokratska zajednica; HDZ) into a type of a presidentialised party, which has arisen as a new pattern of party organisation within the broader process of the presidentialisation of politics. The presidentialisation of political parties can be observed in all forms of party organisation: party head offices, the party in the government, and in a parliamentary party faction. In the first place, the author gives an outline of the emergence and development of the CDU up to 2000 and Ivo Sanader taking the leadership of the party, identifying this year as a demarcation point of democratic transformation in Croatia and arguing why he ...
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Autor u radu obrađuje desne političke stranke. Riječ je o najbrže rastućoj stranačkoj obitelji u Europi. U tom smislu analizira i prikazuje ideologiju, pojmove i vrste desnih političkih stranaka. Posebna pozornost posvećena je ideologiji stranaka radikalne desnice kroz teorijski okvir nizozemskoga politologa Casa Muddea. ; The author deals with right-wing political parties. It is the fastest growing party family in Europe. In this sense, he analyses and displays the ideology, concepts, and types of right-wing political parties. Special attention is paid to the ideology of the parties of the radical right through the theoretical framework of the Dutch political scientist Cas Mudde.
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Dosadašnja istraživanja pokazuju da suradnja u istraživanjima između znanosti i industrije može biti snažan izvor inovacija i čimbenik koji pridonosi uspješnosti u inovacijama i ekonomskom rastu. Iako brojne mjere javnih politika i inicijative potiču zajednička istraživanja akademske zajednice i industrije, njihov potencijal još nije primjereno iskorišten. Ovaj rad daje pregled postojeće literature o suradnji u istraživanju između znanosti i industrije. Rad analizira i diskutira motive i druge čimbenike koji utječu na suradnju i identificira ograničenja zajedničkom istraživanju s aspekta poduzeća i javnih istraživačkih institucija. Na temelju pregleda literature izvode se preporuke za inovacijske politike. ; Existing research indicates that science-industry collaborative research might be a powerful source of innovation and an important factor of high innovation performance and economic growth. Although a number of public policy initiatives promote collaborative research, its potential is still not being adequately reached. This paper presents a review of existing literature on science-industry collaborative research. It elaborates and discusses motives and determinants of collaborative research, and identifies obstacles to joint science-industry research, from both the companies' and public research organizations' perspective. Based on the literature review, the paper provides recommendations for innovation policies.
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U radu se problematizira izborni uspjeh regionalističkih stranaka u Hrvatskoj i Srbiji. Članak ističe specifičnost regionalističkih stranaka i potrebu njihove zasebne klasifikacije u odnosu na etnoregionalističke i etničke stranke. Ova komparativna analiza prati nastanak i izborni uspjeh regionalističkih stranaka u hrvatskom i srpskom stranačkom sustavu tijekom četvrt stoljeća. Pri analizi razlika u uspjehu hrvatskih i srbijanskih regionalističkih stranaka, stavlja se naglasak na kontekstualni okvir (narav stranačkog natjecanja, izborni model), kao i na društvene čimbenike (etnički i vjerski sastav) te povijesne faktore (naslijeđe centralizacije, odnosno autonomije). Članak tvrdi kako je kombinacija kontekstualnih, društvenih i povijesnih čimbenika stvorila bolje preduvjete za razvoj regionalizma u hrvatskom slučaju te omogućila snažniji izborni uspjeh negoli u Srbiji. ; This article discusses the electoral success of regional parties in Croatia and Serbia. The article emphasizes the specificity of regional parties and the need for a separate classification in relation to ethno-regional and ethnic parties. This comparative analysis follows the emergence and electoral success of regional parties in the Croatian and Serbian party system over a quarter century. By analyzing the difference in the success of Croatian and Serbian regional parties, the emphasis is put on contextual framework (the nature of party competition, electoral model), as well as social factors (ethnic and religious composition) and historical factors (the legacy of centralization or autonomy). Article argues that the combination of contextual, social and historical factors created better conditions for the development of regionalism in the Croatian case and allowed electoral success stronger than in Serbia.
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Integrirane marketinške komunikacije pojavile su se u osamdesetim godinama prošlog stoljeća u Sjedinjenim Američkim Državama, a danas ih u svijetu, osim tvrtki, koriste i političke stranke jer prepoznaju važnost sinergijskog djelovanja oglašavanja i odnosa s javnošću, ali i integriranja publike u aktivnosti stranke. Ovaj rad uz pomoć metode upitnika te analize sadržaja hiperteksta istražuje jesu li najutjecajnije političke stranke u Hrvatskoj i Srbiji upoznate i koriste li u svom političkom djelovanju integrirano komuniciranje te kako i koliko dugo primjenjuju ovaj koncept. ; Integrated Marketing Communication appeared in the 1980s in the United States, and is nowadays, besides companies, also used by political parties, because they recognized the importance of the synergic effects of advertising and public relations, but also of integrating the audience in the activities of the party. This paper makes use of questionnaires and content analysis of hypertext in order to examine whether the most influential political parties in Croatia and Serbia are informed about integrated marketing communication. Furthermore, the article examines whether these parties use integrated communications in their political activities and inquires how and for how long they have been applying this concept.
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Rad je podijeljen na četiri dijela. U prvom dijelu se predstavlja nauk konstitucije Gaudium et spes o odnosu Crkve i politike. Obrađuje se: narav i svrha političke zajednice, suradnja svih u političkom životu te politička zajednica i Crkva. Stavovi Ivana Pavla II. o vjernicima u politici predstavljeni su prikazom dokumenta Sinode o laicima 1987.: Christifideles laici koji je objavljen 1990. Papa je snažno tražio od laika da se uključe u politički život i smatrao da je grijeh ne baviti se politikom, s mišlju: svi su predmet i protagonisti politike. Poziva se na promicanje solidarnosti i karitativnog rada kroz politiku. Crkva i laici su dužni evangelizirati društveno-ekonomski život kao i kulturu. Zatim se iznose osnovne ideje iz Katekizma Katoličke Crkve i na koncu se obrađuje Doktrinarna nota o katolicima u politici, Zbora za nauk vjere iz 2002. godine. Nauk novijih crkvenih dokumenata o ovoj temi može se sažeti ovako: Vlast i država izviru iz ljudske naravi i moralnog zakona, a onda to znači i da imaju i božanski izvor. One su potrebne za funkcioniranje ljudskog života. Opće dobro i poštovanje osobe ključni su kriteriji za prosudbu svake vlasti, političara, režima i stranke. Priznaje se autonomija i odvojenost Crkve i države. Priznaje se pluralizam stranaka i režima. Poziva se sve kršćane da se uključe u politički život, dapače grijeh je ne baviti se politikom. Ako se zakoni i vlast protive općem dobru i dobru osobe, onda se vjernik političar treba distancirati i ne glasati za takve zakone. Crkva treba biti kritička svijest i savjest društva. ; This article is divided into four parts. The first part presents the doctrine of the constitution as described in Gaudium et spes: in other words it deals with the relationship between church and politics. It deals with the nature and purpose of political community, the cooperation of all in political life, and the political community and the Church. The views of John Paul II on the role of believers in politics are presented through an analysis of the 1987 Synod document on the laity, Christifideles laici, which was published in 1990. The pope strongly urges the laity to become involved in political life and takes the position that abjuring from politics can be sinful, noting that all are subject to and all are protagonists in politics. The pope stresses the necessity of promoting solidarity and charitable works through politics. Church and laity are obliged to evangelize in social and economic life as well as culture. The paper goes on to present the basic ideas of the Catechism of the Catholic Church, and finally the ideas of the Doctrinal Note on Catholics in Politics, issued by the Congregation for the Doctrine of the Faith in 2002. The doctrine of recent Church documents on this topic may be summarized as follows: authority and the state stem from human nature and the moral law, and this means that they have a divine source. They are necessary for the functioning of human life. The common good and respect for persons are the key criteria for judging governments, politicians, regimes and parties. The autonomy and separation of church and state should be recognized. The pluralism of parties and regimes should be recognized. All Christians are called to become involved in political life: in fact, it is sinful not to be involved in politics. If laws or authorities are against the common good and the good of the person, then the believer politician should distance himself from such laws and authorities and should not vote for such laws. The Church should be a critical conscience of society.
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Metilj Fascioloides magna parazitira u pseudocisti u jetrenom parenhimu konačnih nositelja u koje se ubraja i jelen obični. Pseudociste su produkt organizma nositelja, a namijenjene su ograničavanju kretanja metilja. Iako ga ograničavaju u kretanju, pseudociste (osim u nositelja tipa slijepa ulica) ne ubijaju metilja, već on u njima nalazi povoljne uvjete za 30 život. Cilj ovoga istraživanja je utvrditi raspodjelu pseudocista po trećinama jetara jelena običnoga. Ukupno su prikupljene 143 jetre i razdijeljene na tri jednaka dijela, pri čemu je, promatrajući sa strane ošita, lijevu trećinu sačinjavao lijevi jetreni režanj, srednju trećinu kvadratni, repasti i dorzalni dio lijevog režnja, a desnu trećinu desni režanj i kaudolateralni dio kvadratnog režnja. Utvrđene pseudociste pripisivane su odgovarajućoj trećini. Statistički znakovito veći broj pseudocista (n=655) nalazi se u srednjoj u odnosu na lijevu (p = .00009) i desnu trećinu (p= .00001). Razlika u broju pseudocista između lijeve (n=321) i desne trećine (n=277) nije statistički znakovita (p= .3492). Usporedba jetara s najvećim brojem pseudocista u srednjoj trećini u odnosu na one s najvećim brojem u lijevoj i desnoj trećini bila je statistički znakovita. Usporedba jetara s najvećim brojem pseudocista u lijevoj i desnoj trećini nije statistički znakovita, ali je vjerojatnost nalaza jetara s najvećim brojem pseudocista u lijevoj trećini 1,73 puta viša u odnosu na one u desnoj (OR=1,73 (CI 95% .7850 do 3.8036)). I u slučajevima u kojima nalazimo 10 ili više pseudocista u jednoj od trećina slijedi isti obrazac. Rezultati istraživanja ukazuju da srednja trećina jetara pruža najkvalitetnije uvjete za život metilja. ; Digenean trematode Fascioloides magna parasitizes in the pseudocysts within the liver parenchyma of the final hosts. Red deer is also classified as final host. As product of the host's organism pseudocysts are formed in order to prevent further migration of flukes. Though they prevent its migration, pseudocysts do not kill flukes (except in the case ...
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In this paper the author analyzes certain solutions of the Amendment of the Civil Procedure Act from 2019 on the reimbursement of costs according to the principle of responsibility for success and responsibility for guilt or case. The paper outlines the most significant novelties, the novelties are analyzed in relation to the partial success of the parties to the litigation. When deciding on the costs of civil proceedings in the case of partial success of the party in the lawsuit, what should be taken into account, in principle, is both the prosecutor's and the defendant's success in the lawsuit, and the decision on which party will bear the obligation to reimburse the costs of the proceedings shall be brought through the application of the rule of procedural offsetting of the lawsuit costs. The objective of this rule is to avoid unwarranted lawsuit or filing of exaggerated claims without consequences. But, it can happen that the costs of the party that is less successful are significantly higher than the costs of their opponents. This party, although more successful, can be obliged to reimburse the amount of the difference, which may result in restriction of the right of access to court. ; U članku se analiziraju pojedina rješenja Novele Zakona o parničnom postuplu iz 2019. godine o naknadi troškova prema načelu odgovornosti za uspjeh te odgovornosti za krivnju odnosno slučaj. Analiziraju se novine u odnosu na djelomični uspjeh stranaka u parnici. Pritom se posebno problematizira i uspoređuje prije važeće zakonodavno uređenja instituta i stajališta zauzeta u dosadašnjoj sudskoj praksi i doktrini, sa novim normativnim uređenjem koje donosi Novela 2019.
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Autor u članku komparira dvije stranke, jednu iz Istočne, odnosno Srednje, a drugu iz Zapadne Europe – mađarski Jobbik i nizozemsku Slobodarsku stranku Geerta Wildersa – kako bi se prikazale sličnosti, ali i neke od razlika, između radikalno desnih stranaka zapadnih te istočnoeuropskih zemalja. Članak je podijeljen u tri dijela. U prvom dijelu autor prikazuje suvremenu radikalnu desnicu. Suvremena radikalna desnica, za razliku od međuratne (1918.-1939.), nije nužno protusustavska, već se pretežno radi o ultranacionalističkim, ksenofobnim te homofobnim strankama i pokretima. Iako označava jednu stranačku obitelj, termin radikalna desnica prilično je širok te unutar te grupacije postoje značajne razlike između stranaka. Zbog toga postoji i mnoštvo definicija koje žele obuhvatiti taj politički fenomen. U drugom dijelu članka autor analizira mađarski Jobbik. Zaključuje kako Jobbik zadovoljava sve karakteristike radikalne desnice te se bez sumnje može reći da je jedna uistinu radikalno desna stranka. Treći dio članka posvećen je nizozemskoj Slobodarskoj stranci. Autor smatra kako Slobodarska stranka također zadovoljava sve kriterije, te se može svrstati u radikalnu desnicu. ; The author compares two political parties, one from Eastern/Central Europe, and the other from Western Europe – Hungarian Jobbik and Dutch Party for Freedom of Geert Wilders – to portray some of the similarities, as well as the differences, between radical right parties in Western and Eastern European countries. The article is divided into three parts. In the first part, the author presents the contemporary radical right. Contemporary radical right, in comparison to the interwar radical right, is not necessary anti-systemic, but mainly ultra-nationalistic, xenophobic and homophobic. Although the term radical right describes one party family, this party family has significant internal differences. Therefore, there are many definitions, which are trying to grasp this political phenomenon. The second part of the article analyses the Hungarian Jobbik. The author concludes that Jobbik satisfies all the characteristics of the radical right, and therefore represents a truly radical right party. The third part of the article is devoted to the Dutch Party for Freedom. The author concludes that this party can also be regarded as a radical right party.
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Problematika optimalnog vođenja prometnog toka te osiguranja odgovarajućeg broja parkirnih mjesta prisutan je u većini visokorazvijenih urbanih sredina Europske unije pa i Republike Hrvatske. Formiranje odgovarajućeg rastera prometne mreže, uvjetovane povijesnim i postojećim građevinama i zonama izuzetno je izazovan zadatak. Isto tako, zahtjevno je i osiguranje odgovarajuće dostupnosti do slobodnih parkirnih kapaciteta u vremenima vršnih opterećenja u samim središtima urbanih područja. No, vrlo su česti slučajevi u kojima, čak i u trenutku kada se osiguraju odgovarajući parkirni kapaciteti, dolazi do zastoja na ulaznim i izlaznim terminalima parkirališta i garažnih objekata koja su derivirana nesukladnostima njihovih kapaciteta i prometnih potreba u određenom vremenskom trenutku. Upravo iz tog razloga, u radu se predstavlja potencijalni model određivanja optimalnog broja ulaznih uslužnih mjesta (terminala) primjenom teorije redova čekanja. ; The issue of the optimal management of the traffic flow and the ensuring of an adequate number of parking spaces is present in the majority of highly developed urban areas of the European Union, including the Republic of Croatia. The formation of an adequate raster of the transport network, conditioned by the historical and existing buildings and areas is an extremely challenging task. Similarly, ensuring an adequate availability of free parking capacities in times of rush hours in the very centres of urban areas is also very demanding. However, what often occurs, even when adequate parking capacities are ensured, is a halt on the input and output terminals of parking lots and garage facilities that are derived by a disproportion of their capacities and traffic needs at a specific time. Precisely for that reason, this paper presents a potential model for determining of an optimal number of input service places (terminals) by using the queuing theory.
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