The article describes the first elections organized in the Romanian Principalities based on the Regulamente Organice (a Romanian proto-constitution), namely the legislative elections for the so-called Adunări Ordinare Obşteşti (Ordinary Public Assemblies), but also the election of Gheorghe Bibescu as head of state by the so-called Neobicinuita Obştească Adunare (Extraordinary Public Assembly) in 1842. The article analyzes the genesis of the legal provisions under Russian influence, but also the vote itself. The author reaches the conclusion that modernization begins before the 1848 revolution.
The survey was conducted between February 15-18, 2020 on a sample of 459 adults living in the city. He measured how the population perceives the involvement of the mayor's office in various administrative issues, trust in local political leaders, voting intentions in local elections, the perception of local party organizations.
The survey was conducted between February 15-17, 2020 on a sample of 400 adults living in the city. He measured how the population perceives the involvement of the mayor's office in various administrative issues, trust in local political leaders, voting intentions in local elections, the perception of local party organizations.
The survey was conducted between February 23-27, 2020 on a sample of 1252 adults living in the city. He measured how the population perceives the involvement of the mayor's office in various administrative issues, trust in local political leaders, voting intentions in local elections, the perception of local party organizations.
The survey was conducted on July 31 - August 2, 2020 on a sample of 422 inhabitants of the city. He measured people's opinion about the main candidates for City Hall, the expectations of the future mayor, the voting intentions, the way in which the City Hall got involved in certain administrative issues.
The survey was conducted between March 6-8, 2020 on a sample of 450 adults living in the city. He measured how the population perceives the involvement of the mayor's office in various administrative issues, trust in local political leaders, voting intentions in local elections, the perception of local party organizations.
Since 1992, in the wake of the first elections held in May 1990 and the adoption of a Constitution in 1991, parliamentary and local elections have been held every four years. Romanian electorate voted six times in presidential elections and seven times in referenda (referenda were more numerous than the ones organized during the whole modern history of the country). Reinvented in 1989, Romanian political parties had to pass all these tests. The main purpose of the article is to give a comprehensive, systematic and detailed view on Romanian parties' performance, both in terms of votes and mandates. Therefore, data is organized following four main criteria: legal status, the mobilization in electoral competitions, parliamentary status, and participation to government.
The survey was conducted between March 6-7, 2020 on a sample of 251 adults living in the city. He measured how the population perceives the involvement of the mayor's office in various administrative issues, trust in local political leaders, voting intentions in local elections, the perception of local party organizations.
The survey was conducted between February 29 and March 1, 2020 on a sample of 502 adults living in the city. He measured how the population perceives the involvement of the mayor's office in various administrative issues, trust in local political leaders, voting intentions in local elections, the perception of local party organizations.
The purpose of this research paper is to assess the causes of the territorial distribution of the votes in Romanian local elections held in 2004. Using an aggregate level statistical analysis, I explore three competing theories. The territorial distribution of votes might be first function of geographical localization, people from Transylvania voting against the ruling party and largely favoring the opposition. Counties supporting the opposition are generally the most developed, least rural and wealthiest counties, but in the same time a number of these counties are located in Transylvania. All the same, people may support effective and accountable politicians in office and sanction the others. Testing the three hypotheses, I find that the economic voting has no empirical evidence. The only significant factor unraveled is the counties' location in Transylvania. This factor continues to be significant even when the relationships are controlled with different local development measures, unraveling a regional voting pattern in Romania.
The paper analyzes the dynamics of electoral participation and its predictors in Romania, using both official data on turnout and post-electoral survey data. The turnout in the Romanian parliamentary elections has declined by over 50% in the last 20 years of democratic reconstruction. However, turnout decline is unevenly distributed, being more dramatic in the last decade especially in the urban areas as well as among younger cohorts of voters. The decline of turnout in parliamentary elections is also accompanied by a shift in the importance of the predictors of voting. The analyses of electoral participation and its predictors suggest that voting in the Romanian parliamentary elections has become the attribute of a minority of citizens who still feel closer to a political party, are interested in politics, trust the political institutions and leaders, ideologically place themselves at the extremes of the left-right axis, and of those who are more exposed to mobilization attempts both because they live in smaller communities in the rural areas which are more easily controlled by local political leaders and because they are part of social networks that are influenced by political parties or politicians. This is the "hard core" of a generally apathetic electorate which is unconfident in the efficacy of elections as a tool for producing social transformations, a public which is becoming less and less demanding with the politicians after the subsequent disappointments with the democratic governance after 1989.
This study proposes an analysis of how the National Liberal Party (PNL), the National Peasant Party (PNT) and the National Christian Party (PNC) used caricatures, lyrics or electoral posters to build a more favorable image of their own party or compromise the opponent. Based in particular on the sources existing in the official party press and the so-called independent one, we proceeded to a description of the three elements, including the meanings and messages intended for the electorate. With a predominantly rural population (over 80%), poorly educated in regard to civic issues, caricature and electoral lyrics were used in particular by the PNT and the so-called independent press to attack the ruling party, as well as the formation of A. C. Cuza and Octavian Goga, and to target those with a nationalist-peasant affiliation. Through the three types of confrontation, the parties in our study have endeavored to transmit as effectively as possible the eccentric populist and manipulative messages aimed at attracting thousands of voters. Although both the national and the nationalist-peasant press used caricature and versification as a political weapon, there are immense differences between the contents of the two camps, the caricaturist Petrică Lazar and the anti-Semitic poet Vasile Militaru - known also under the pseudonym of Radu Barda - preferring the construction of satirical images and poems that contained huge doses of grotesque, beliefs and prejudices about the Jewish minority.
