Elections
In: The Oxford Handbook of Comparative Constitutional Law, p. 529, Michel Rosenfeld and Andras Sajo, eds., Oxford Handbooks, July 2012
In: The Oxford Handbook of Comparative Constitutional Law, p. 529, Michel Rosenfeld and Andras Sajo, eds., Oxford Handbooks, July 2012
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In: West European politics, Band 23, Heft 3, S. 207-214
ISSN: 0140-2382
This data was collected by St. Louis County Board of Elections. It is part of a larger collection (Historical St. Louis County Elections), organized by municipality. Faculty in the Department of Political Science at Washington University in St. Louis, Dr Brian Crisp and Dr. Matt Gabel, digitized the materials at Washington University in St. Louis and agreed with St. Louis County to have the digital copies deposited in the Open Scholarship Digital Research Materials Repository at Washington University to make it more widely accessible.
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Working paper
World Affairs Online
Includes legislation. ; A report prepared for the Committee on the District of Columbia, United States Senate. ; At head of title: 92d Congress, 1st session. Committee print. ; On spine: Election law and history of District of Columbia elections. ; Mode of access: Internet.
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In: Presidential studies quarterly, Band 35, Heft 1, S. 138-146
ISSN: 0360-4918
In: British journal of political science, Band 48, Heft 2, S. 459-488
ISSN: 1469-2112
It is often assumed that government-sponsored election violence increases the probability that incumbent leaders remain in power. Using cross-national data, this article shows that election violence increases the probability of incumbent victory, but can generate risky post-election dynamics. These differences in the consequences of election violence reflect changes in the strategic setting over the course of the election cycle. In the pre-election period, anti-incumbent collective action tends to be focused on the election itself, either through voter mobilization or opposition-organized election boycotts. In the post-election period, by contrast, when a favorable electoral outcome is no longer a possibility, anti-government collective action more often takes the form of mass political protest, which in turn can lead to costly repercussions for incumbent leaders.
A chapter report issued by the Government Accountability Office with an abstract that begins "The 2004 general election was the first presidential election that tested substantial changes states made to their election systems since the 2000 election, including some changes required by the Help America Vote Act of 2002 (HAVA). HAVA required some major changes in the nation's elections processes, not all which had to be implemented by the November 2004 election. HAVA addressed issues of people, processes, and technology, all of which must be effectively integrated to ensure effective election operations. GAO initiated a review under the authority of the Comptroller General to examine an array of election issues of broad interest to Congress. For each major stage of the election process, this report discusses (1) changes to election systems since the 2000 election, including steps taken to implement HAVA, and (2) challenges encountered in the 2004 election. For this report, GAO sent a survey to the 50 states and the District of Columbia (all responded) and mailed a questionnaire to a nationwide sample of 788 local election jurisdictions about election administration activities (80 percent responded). To obtain more detailed information about experiences for the 2004 election, GAO also visited 28 local jurisdictions in 14 states, chosen to represent a range of election system characteristics."
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General elections are held every five years in South Africa. During the 12 to 24 hour period after the close of the voting booths, the expected final results are of huge interest to the electorate and politicians. In the past, the Council for Scientic and Industrial Research (CSIR) has developed an election forecasting model in order to provide the media and political analysts with forecasts of the final results during this period of peak interest. In formulating this model, which forecasts the election results as the results from voting districts (VDs) become available, some assumptions had to be made. In particular, assumptions were made about the clustering of previous voting patterns as well as the order in which VD results are released.This election forecasting model had been used successfully for a number of elections in the past and in these previous elections, with around 5%{10% of the results available, the predictions produced by the model were very close to the final outcome, particularly for the ANC, being the largest party. For the 2014 national election, however, the predictions, with close to 50% of the voting district results known (equivalent to an estimated 40% of the total votes), were still not accurate and varied by more than 1% for both the ANC and the EFF. This paper outlines a post-election analysis to determine the reasons for these discrepancies and how they relate directly to the model assumptions. The aim is to highlight how practical realities can affect the assumptions and consequently their impact on the forecasted results. Reference is made to previous election forecasts and the 2014 post-election analysis is presented.Keywords: Forecasting, elections, assumptions, post-election analysis
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This data was collected by St. Louis County Board of Elections. It is part of a larger collection (Historical St. Louis County Elections), organized by municipality. Faculty in the Department of Political Science at Washington University in St. Louis, Dr Brian Crisp and Dr. Matt Gabel, digitized the materials at Washington University in St. Louis and agreed with St. Louis County to have the digital copies deposited in the Open Scholarship Digital Research Materials Repository at Washington University to make it more widely accessible.
BASE
This data was collected by St. Louis County Board of Elections. It is part of a larger collection (Historical St. Louis County Elections), organized by municipality. Faculty in the Department of Political Science at Washington University in St. Louis, Dr Brian Crisp and Dr. Matt Gabel, digitized the materials at Washington University in St. Louis and agreed with St. Louis County to have the digital copies deposited in the Open Scholarship Digital Research Materials Repository at Washington University to make it more widely accessible.
BASE
This data was collected by St. Louis County Board of Elections. It is part of a larger collection (Historical St. Louis County Elections), organized by municipality. Faculty in the Department of Political Science at Washington University in St. Louis, Dr Brian Crisp and Dr. Matt Gabel, digitized the materials at Washington University in St. Louis and agreed with St. Louis County to have the digital copies deposited in the Open Scholarship Digital Research Materials Repository at Washington University to make it more widely accessible.
BASE
In: Presidential studies quarterly: official publication of the Center for the Study of the Presidency, Band 35, Heft 3, S. 576-589
ISSN: 1741-5705
Data from the National Annenberg Election Survey (NAES) show that during the 2004 presidential election campaign, party affiliation was not entirely stable. The gap between Democrats and Republicans narrowed, continuing a pattern evident in the 2000 NAES. However, the Democrats retained their edge in party identification. Demographically, Republican party identification grew most among white evangelical Protestants. Slight gains were made among men and women. An analysis of party breakdown by state shows Republicans made significant gains in southern states but also grew in Maine and Oregon. The Democratic party made gains in a handful of states around the country.