Suchergebnisse

Recent efforts at estimating bias and responsiveness in electoral systems typically proceed by assigning observations to subsamples according to which party controlled the redistricting process. We show this traditional procedure to introduce selection bias into the resulting estimates of bias and responsiveness and present an alternative strategy for estimating these parameters. Using data from the state legislatures, and employing two different measures of partisan control of redistricting, we obtain results that modestly differ from those obtained with the traditional approach. Measures of control of redistricting utilizing information about the partisan intent of redistricting commissions and tribunals are exogenous to the seats-votes relationship.

The Nigerian 1983 elections were a disaster for democracy Wole Soyinka — Nigeria's leading playwright, novelist and poet, Professor of Literature at the University of Ife — wrote this 'interim statement' on the Nigerian 1983 elections when he passed through London in late August. The official FEDECO (Federal Election Commission) results for Ondo State have since been challenged by the judiciary and reversed. Those for Oyo State still stand, after a panel of judges dismissed an election petition by the defeated incumbent governor.

Federal prohibitions of corporate & union contributions have been motivated by 2 objectives: to reduce or eliminate domination of the electoral process by business & labor through their aggregated wealth, & to protect stockholders & union members from having their organizations' funds used for political purposes of which they do not approve. Federal regulations have been largely ineffective in preventing corporate & union monies from reaching political candidates & parties both legally & illegally. Recent developments, including passage of the Federal Election Campaign Act of 1971 as amended in 1974, important decisions by the Supreme Court since 1972, & rulings by the Federal Election Commission, have widened the area of legal campaign-related activities in which corporations & labor organizations can engage, particularly through political action committees. The liberalization of previous restrictions, together with more rigorous & effective electoral disclosure requirements, & widespread public suspicion concerning the political activities of "special interests" make it likely that business corporations & labor unions will be quite circumspect in their election involvements during 1976. However, several legal & political issues which could affect corporate & union campaign activities in 1976 & beyond, remain unresolved. Modified HA.

AbstractSince 1964, federal electoral boundary readjustments have been the responsibility of independent commissions—one for each province and one for the Northwest Territories. The three redistributions completed to date under the new arrangements suggest that the commissions have increasingly accepted a substantial measure of intraprovincial population equality as the standard by which to define electoral boundaries. At the same time Parliament, in its debates and amendments to theElectoral Boundaries Readjustment Act, has urged commissions to move in the opposite direction by creating more, rather than fewer, electoral districts of unequal populations. These contrary positions derive from different views of what counts in determining electoral boundaries—territory or population. Drawing on American experience sinceBakerv.Carr(1962), Canadian courts may eventually be called upon to resolve the issue.

Federal prohibitions of corporate and union con tributions have been motivated by two objectives: to reduce or eliminate domination of the electoral process by business and labor through their aggregated wealth; and to protect stock- holders and union members from having their organizations' funds used for political purposes of which they do not approve. Federal regulations have been largely ineffective in prevent ing corporate and union monies from reaching political candi dates and parties both legally and illegally. Recent develop ments, including passage of the Federal Election Campaign Act of 1971 as amended in 1974, important decisions by the Supreme Court since 1972, and rulings by the Federal Elec tion Commission, have widened the area of legal campaign- related activities in which corporations and labor organizations can engage, particularly through political action committees. The liberalization of previous restrictions, together with more rigorous and effective electoral disclosure requirements, and widespread public suspicion concerning the political activities of "special interests" make it likely that business corporations and labor unions will be quite circumspect in their election involvements during 1976. However, several legal and polit ical issues which could affect corporate and union campaign activities in 1976 and beyond remain unresolved.

THE PURPOSE OF THIS PAPER IS TO MAKE EXPLICIT CERTAIN ASPECTS OF THE REDISTRIBUTION PROCEDURE IN THE ELECTORAL SYSTEM. THE AUTHORS ATTEMPT TO ACHIEVE THIS END BY TAKING A VERY BROAD PERSPECTIVE SO THAT THE OPERATION OF THE PARLIAMENTARY BOUNDARY COMMISSION IS SEEN ALONGSIDE SIMILAR WORK CARRIED OUT IN OTHER COUNTRIES WHICH ALSO ELECT REPRESENTATIVES FROM SINGLE MEMBER CONSTITUENCIES.

Political, legal, and administrative constraints on the Commission as it attempts to regulate political fund raising; First Amendment issues; budgeting problems.

Filipino barrios are mostly rural villages. They are, in legal parlance, the smallest political subdivisions in the Philippine system of local governments. Before the fifties barrio government was virtually non-existent. Although there were barrio lieutenants appointed by municipal mayors, it was not until the mid-fifties that councils began to give the barrios a semblance of government — mostly in form rather than in substance —similar to the commission plan of American local government. Under the unitary system of Filipino government, all local governments, except those in the chartered cities, are governed by the Revised Administrative Code. To give the barrio a government of its own and to grant its citizens the right to vote for their own officials would require an amendment to this Code by the Philippine Congress. Thus, the establishment of the first elective barrio councils in 1956 was the result of an amendment to an appropriate section of that Code. Later in 1959 the Philippine Congress became more generous by granting the barrios a general charter which defined in more definitive terms the scope and nature of barrio councils and the manner in which members of these councils were chosen. The purpose of this article is to identify the major issues on the barrio electoral process which confronted the Philippine Congress and to provide some insight into the manner in which these issues were resolved.

Das 1986 zum Zweck der Entwicklung eines Aktionsprogramms für den Übergang zu einer Zivilregierung eingesetzte "Political Bureau" arbeitete einen Plan aus, wonach eine phasenweise Machtübertragung an eine neue Generation politischer Führungspersonen erfolgen soll. Eine "National Electoral Commission", die für die Durchführung sämtlicher Wahlen zwischen 1987 und 1992 verantwortlich ist, besteht bereits. Einzelaspekte des Plans sind die politischen Aktivitäten der Verfassungsgebenden Versammlung, die Debatte um die Sharia, die Aktivitäten der gewählten Stadt- und Gemeinderäte u.a. (DÜI-Fwr)

In this report the Law Reform Committee presents its recommendations on the Marriage Act, Law of Inheritance, Electoral and Citizenship Law. Oral evidence given to the commission is included in detail

The author examines the episode of Nigeria's 1983 elections and attempts a discussion of the influence of the social, economic and religious factors as they affected the elections. In the introductory chapter, the author analyses the transition of Nigerian economy from agriculture to petroleum as providing potential basis for a theft and graft system responsible for election malpractices. In Chapter 2, the Nigerian constitution, the Federal Electoral Commission (FEDECO) and the 1982 Electoral Act are discussed while Chapter 3 deals with the election and the election results. Chapter 4 discusses the various election petitions and explores the role of the judiciary in the attempt to settle the disputes, while chapter 5 is on the Babalakin Commission of Inquiry into the affairs of the defunct FEDECO. (DÜI-Hff)

The gradual but remorseless undermining of the British National Health Service by British governments of the past few years has culminated in the present widely proclaimed crisis of the health care system in the UK. Our present government has declared some interest in the US health care system as a possible alternative model because there health care is largely a privately produced and marketed commodity. (1) This paper is a forthright antidote to the advocacy of private or even semi-private health care systems, exposing the manifold inadequacies of the US system. At the same time it ad vocates a public health care system for the US which in many respects per haps represents a progressive improvement on the present NHS structure. The paper is the National Rainbow Coalition Health Commission's Position Paper No 1. The National Rainbow Coalition is the largest pro gressive group in the US. It works within and outside the Democratic Par ty and it works in both electoral and non-electoral politics. It includes labour unions, farmers' associations, black, latino and other minority movements as well as peace, feminist and ecological movements. (2) The President of the Rainbow is Jesse Jackson, who is also the Presidential Democratic candidate proposed by the Rainbow. The National Health Commission is responsible for advising the Rainbow Coalition on matters of policy. This paper was approved by the major policy body of the Na tional Rainbow Coalition at the National Congress which took place in Raleigh, North Carolina in the autumn of 1987. The report is now the Rainbow's main policy paper on health. Other papers prepared by the Commission and approved by the Congress are on AIDS, occupational and environmental health, and other issues. The paper was prepared by Vicente Navarro, the Coordinator of the Health Commission with the assistance of David Himmelstein and Steffi Wool- handler, and the twenty other members of the Commission in October 1987.