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Published: 28 April 2018 ; In an interdependent world, this sensation that not everyone who should be here is here, that our constituencies should be completed with other criteria of inclusion, that there may be some who have been illegitimately excluded from our group points to a triple inclusion―spatial, temporal and natural―that we should undertake: the inclusion of our neighbors, of our descendants and of the environment. None of these three "votes" enough. One of the principal challenges of contemporary democracies is how to reintroduce these subjects in our systems of representation and decision-making. If this hypothesis is correct, then we have a true democratic deficit and the habitual question about whether democracy is possible beyond the national state should be reformulated to ask instead whether democracy is possible without including those who are outside the national state, or more concretely, whether we can continue calling a political system a democracy if it does not internalize the interests of its contemporaries, does not anticipate the rights of future generations or does not recognize in some way the political subjectivity of nature.

In dem Buch sind die Ergebnisse eines Demokratie-Seminars zusammengefasst, das die in Schweden ansässige Organisation International IDEA vom 16. bis 18.6.1997 in Ouagadougou organisierte (Demokratie und Reform des Staates/Rechtsstaat/demokratische Kultur: Stand, Probleme und Handlungsempfehlungen). Im Anhang befindet sich u.a. ein Überblick über internationale Demokratieförderungsprogramme und -projekte in Burkina Faso. (DÜI-Cls)

Following eleven years of civil war & a period of political transition, Burundi today faces the challenge of organizing fair & democratic elections. This state of affairs recalls a previous election year -- 1993 -- which many remember as a year of trauma. Then, the media were seen as catalysts of conflict. In 2005, they are looked to as neutral entities whose role is to speak for all political tendencies. This article addresses the evolution of Burundi's media, public & private, & the part they have come to play in processes of national reconciliation & democratization. Adapted from the source document.

Since the Belgian Communist Party has been constituted as an instrument of the struggle of the We, the party has always considered the parliamentary mandate an affair of the party & not of individuals or groups. The mandate belongs to the party before belonging to the individual deputy, & the party's parliamentary delegation is to promote the aspirations & the interests of the We. In the 1968 elections, the election work of the Communist Party, unlike the election work of other parties, does not reflect the linguistic & communal division of the country. The party program is a federation of the Walloon, Flemish & Brussels areas, this being considered a means for the democratization of the country & the best, if not only, way to preserve Belgium as a state. The party ran candidates in all districts, even in those where its chances were slim. It views elections not only as a means of affirming its presence but as a means of introducing a dynamic element in pol that transcends in importance a particular election. Unlike the 1965 election, in the 1968 election there were no combined lists of Communists & the other alliance. Since 1965, the 2 groups had diverged on a number of issues, & when negotiations for joint lists got under way, the communist election lists were already constituted & it was too late for a compromise. One characteristic feature of communist candidates' lists is the high proportion of workers, which reflects the We character of the party. The party is organized around the work place & the Communist deputy consults with & accounts to the worker. A. Peskin.

This article seeks to understand how the Galician nationalist movement (BNG) succeeded in overcoming its political marginality after the Spanish transition to democracy & today disputes with the Socialist party the second position in the Galician party System. Beyond the historical preconditions & the political opportunities of the creation of the autonomous communities in Spain, the authors stress the organizational & strategic capacities of nationalist actors. The ongoing federalization of Spain provides an open political opportunity structure, but other factors need to be taken into account, such as organization, charismatic leadership & the repertoire of mobilization, especially the moderation of nationalist demands. The article analysis specifically: (i) the successful strategy of ideological moderation & reframing during the 1990s & (ii) the progressive electoral coordination of most pre-existing nationalist parties around the BNG. Adapted from the source document.

The article offers a synthesis of the evolution of the electoral techniques and of the conception of the community in the Italian communes between the 12th and the 14th century. The Italian communes were a place of an astonishing political imagination. They developed the 'vote by compromise' with several steps, were together with the Church one of the sources of the majority vote and, from the 13th century onwards, developed massively the use of sortition. Several dimensions were important in these developments: social conflicts, procedural debates, and a normative conception that saw the voting systems as a tool for designating the most impartial, just and useful persons in the perspective of communal harmony - a conception quite different from the one that underlies elections in modern democracies. Adapted from the source document.

The new millennium places Africa on the international political stage. In Fact, Africa lives the globalization dynamic in accordance with a gradual transition to a pluralistic democracy. However, the democracy underscores the presence of modern State institutions on rural and traditional societies. In the occidental societies the electoral democracy is originate from a community model. This electoral democracy has gradually changed into a democracy which is taking in consideration the individual opinion and the free expression. This question makes sense in African societies. Due to its geographical localization, the Mali was the best African performer until its exceptional crisis in 2012. Is it possible to consider the 2012 occurrences as a breach in the country's history? What is the country political resiliency? This thesis has been started before those events. The thesis was elaborated on two complementary approaches. In fact, the first part is a quantitative approach composed of local maps and national scale circle. The second part is a qualitative approach composed of three arrivals of local "ideal-types". Those approaches highlight the birth of a hybrid political regulation between local elite which are historically following the occidental modern path and the native representation of the power. Despite a decentralized innovative reform, those origin tensions take place in a local scale since the colonial period. Finally, through an electoral behavior prism, the Malian electoral democracy observation represents an original component of the current sociopolitical comprehension. ; Ce nouveau millénaire place l'Afrique sur la scène politique internationale. En effet, elle vit la dynamique de la mondialisation et de la globalisation au rythme d'un passage progressif à la démocratie pluraliste. Cependant, cette démocratisation pose la question de la " greffe " d'institutions de l'État moderne sur des sociétés encore profondément marquées par leurs cultures rurales et coutumières. Issue d'un modèle communautaire ...

In India, the hereditary nature of political functions is a tradition dating back to the beginning of the Republic. The princes who entered the electoral arena after 1947 were the first to observe a practice well in accordance with their ancestors' dynastical logic. These heirs were nevertheless dismissed from the political game when they demonstrateda lack of any political devotion to the state. Such a rule is perfectly well illustrated by the Scindia lineage who recently inaugurated its third generation of members of parliament. The Nehru/Gandhi family incarnates the resonance of the dynastical repertory in the Indian policy in a more continuous way. But then again, nothing is automatic in the perpetuation of generations in power, either because the heirs are rejected by the electorate or they do not wish pursue their ancestors' activity. All in all, Indian politics seems to reflect a logic of lineage rather than dynasty, even if the modes of succession at the head of certain regional political parties has apparently been challenging such a model in recent years. ; En Inde, l'hérédité des fonctions politiques est une tradition qui remonte aux débuts de la République. Les princes qui sont entrés dans l'arène électorale après 1947 ont été les premiers à observer une pratique qui était bien en accord avec la logique dynastique de leurs ancêtres. Ces héritiers ont toutefois été évincés du jeu politique lorsqu'ils n'ont pas su faire preuve d'un minimum de compétences et de dévouement à la chose publique. Cette règle est parfaitement illustrée par le cas des Scindia, une lignée princière qui vient d'inaugurer sa troisième génération de parlementaires. La famille des Nehru/Gandhi, elle, incarne d'une façon plus constante la prégnance du répertoire dynastique dans la politique indienne. Mais, là encore, il n'y a rien d'automatique dans la perpétuation des générations au pouvoir, soit que les héritiers se trouvent rejetés par l'électorat, soit qu'ils ne souhaitent pas endosser le manteau de leurs aînés. Au total, la ...

Recent publications like 'Invisible France' & the title publication have inaugurated public debate over electoral analyses in France. Discussions have focused on explaining voting patterns by immersing oneself in a popular milieu, in addition to the usual procedures such as fact comparing. Brings out the results of examining political abstention, indifference, & declining participation. Claims a vast amount of data is covered making it difficult to sum up results. Concludes complementary studies will be needed to confirm this but draws preliminary conclusion that the electoral process is an alien spectacle to many more citizens, more perhaps than previously imagined. References. R. Ruffin

In India, the hereditary nature of political functions is a tradition dating back to the beginning of the Republic. The princes who entered the electoral arena after 1947 were the first to observe a practice well in accordance with their ancestors' dynastical logic. These heirs were nevertheless dismissed from the political game when they demonstrateda lack of any political devotion to the state. Such a rule is perfectly well illustrated by the Scindia lineage who recently inaugurated its third generation of members of parliament. The Nehru/Gandhi family incarnates the resonance of the dynastical repertory in the Indian policy in a more continuous way. But then again, nothing is automatic in the perpetuation of generations in power, either because the heirs are rejected by the electorate or they do not wish pursue their ancestors' activity. All in all, Indian politics seems to reflect a logic of lineage rather than dynasty, even if the modes of succession at the head of certain regional political parties has apparently been challenging such a model in recent years. ; En Inde, l'hérédité des fonctions politiques est une tradition qui remonte aux débuts de la République. Les princes qui sont entrés dans l'arène électorale après 1947 ont été les premiers à observer une pratique qui était bien en accord avec la logique dynastique de leurs ancêtres. Ces héritiers ont toutefois été évincés du jeu politique lorsqu'ils n'ont pas su faire preuve d'un minimum de compétences et de dévouement à la chose publique. Cette règle est parfaitement illustrée par le cas des Scindia, une lignée princière qui vient d'inaugurer sa troisième génération de parlementaires. La famille des Nehru/Gandhi, elle, incarne d'une façon plus constante la prégnance du répertoire dynastique dans la politique indienne. Mais, là encore, il n'y a rien d'automatique dans la perpétuation des générations au pouvoir, soit que les héritiers se trouvent rejetés par l'électorat, soit qu'ils ne souhaitent pas endosser le manteau de leurs aînés. Au total, la politique indienne semble davantage répondre à une logique lignagère que dynastique, même si le mode de succession à la tête de certains partis régionaux semble remettre ce modèle en question depuis quelques années.