Suchergebnisse

Master's Degree final paper work "Electoral systems impact on voting results: 2004 and 2008 Lithuanian parliament elections' case study" pays main attention to what the results would be of the two last elections to Lithuanian parliament if other than parallel electoral system was used. Main goal is to analize and experimentaly check how do different electoral systems impact Lithuanian parliament results and how depending on results do the party position, weight and influence change. Object: 1. To review electoral systems currently used in the world; 2. To make detailed analysis of main electoral systems stressing their advantages and disadvantages; 3. To analyse 2004 and 2008 Lithuanian parliament elections using five different electoral systems (party list, two round, first-past-the-post, MMP and limited voting); 4. To compare possible results of 20004 and 2008 Lithuanian parliament elections using different electoral systems and conclude the results Hypothesis: 1. Party list system provides new parties with additional seats in the parliament; 2. Plurality / majority systems provides new parties with less seats comparing to parallel system; 3. First-past-the-post provides additional seats (comparing to parallel system) to minority parties and non-partisan candidates. Detailed analysis results confirm, that party list system provides new parties with additional seasts in the parliament. At the same time, two biggest traditional parties would lose up to 28,89% seats comparing to the results of parallel system. Hypothesis that plurality / majority systems provides new parties with less seats comparing to parallel system was not only confirmed, but also showed, that such systems would prevent some parties from having at least one representative in parliament, although parallel system would grant 11,35% seats (16 out of 141). Plurality / majority systems would allow two biggest traditional parties to receive up to 30% additional seats in the parliament.

Innovation activities are among the main drivers of intensive economic growth. However, they are affected by market and system failures. Therefore, they require government intervention, which can lead to a government failure, thus affecting the intensity and effectiveness of innovation policy. The latter failure can be at least partially determined by political institutions, such as electoral systems. The importance of such institutions is demonstrated by their effect on public investment in regionally bounded public goods and social transfers. Consequently, the electoral systems should also affect innovation policy. The research aim is to reveal the theoretical aspects of the relationship between innovation policy and economic growth and the expected role of electoral institutions, and to propose and empirically test a model for the assessment of the impact of innovation policy on economic growth in the context of such institutions. Three main innovation channels were identified in the thesis. They include knowledge creation, knowledge absorption, and technology transfer. Using factor and panel data analysis, the research found that innovation policy is more intense in countries with majoritarian electoral systems. Contrariwise, it has a stronger positive relationship with economic performance in countries with proportional representation electoral systems in terms of government supported knowledge creation and technology transfer.

Innovation activities are among the main drivers of intensive economic growth. However, they are affected by market and system failures. Therefore, they require government intervention, which can lead to a government failure, thus affecting the intensity and effectiveness of innovation policy. The latter failure can be at least partially determined by political institutions, such as electoral systems. The importance of such institutions is demonstrated by their effect on public investment in regionally bounded public goods and social transfers. Consequently, the electoral systems should also affect innovation policy. The research aim is to reveal the theoretical aspects of the relationship between innovation policy and economic growth and the expected role of electoral institutions, and to propose and empirically test a model for the assessment of the impact of innovation policy on economic growth in the context of such institutions. Three main innovation channels were identified in the thesis. They include knowledge creation, knowledge absorption, and technology transfer. Using factor and panel data analysis, the research found that innovation policy is more intense in countries with majoritarian electoral systems. Contrariwise, it has a stronger positive relationship with economic performance in countries with proportional representation electoral systems in terms of government supported knowledge creation and technology transfer.

In recent years, the name of Ukraine is increasingly referred to the political and policy observers. These state the importance of Europe is increasing, as well as the oil import channel, both as a potential strategic partner. At the same time, Ukraine is increasing and the need for understanding the processes. In most cases, the current political instability in Ukraine interpreted according to the regional breakdown, or tranzitologijos point of view, sometimes destabilizing external influence, but the result is clear - the business of most of the time of paralyžuotas are competing for a government party blocks. As a result, has already been drafted and preišlaikiniai elections, but the situation does not show signs of pasikeitymų, at least in the short term. Ukraine operates many different factors determine the choice of political system, but to concentrate on one - the electoral system. Ukraine's electoral system is changed, even three times. 1994 was mažoritarinė, 1998 and 2002 - a semi-proportional, and in 2006 and 2007 - a fully proportional. Electoral system of selection and the evolution of Ukraine and the basis for this work. Extremeness of these solutions allows you to compare all three main types of electoral systems in one country, what the world would be almost impossible because of the electoral system is traditionally one of the sustainable elements of the political system it changes it made only in exceptional cases. Ukraine, the three electoral system was tested one after the other sekusiuose elections. It is clear what effect this had to be investigated in view of the above factors - the political system of novelty, the business sector in the regional and historical interest. But only the electoral system for all of this shifting of the real power of the parliamentary and electoral system, each reacts differently to these factors. This work attempts to verify the hypothesis that the choice of electoral systems, and often had to change their impact on the country's political system has developed. To check the need to review all the electoral systems used in Ukraine, the application period, and their use of the results, expressed through what is in the parliament. This will be tested in comparison with the standard results are obtained by observing the old democracies and their electoral and party systems

Lithuania's referendum on the accession into the European Union was part of the so-called "domino strategy" of the fourth wave of EU enlargement, which aimed to influence the mindset of the inhabitants of the less euro-enthusiastic member states by placing the pressure of the anticipated high positive result from the more enthusiastic member states (Lithuania among them) on them. Typical trend of elites' manipulations can be observed in Lithuania, i.e. changing of the legal basis on the referendum prior to the EU accession referendum in order to facilitate positive outcome. These facilitating rules had been introduced step by step, bringing any discussions on these matters in a parliament during election campaigns of 2000 & 2002 to an end in order to escape escalation of the pro versus the anti-European cleavages within political system. Thus, a double hurdle (both turn-out & voting YES of 50 per cent of all eligible voters) existing since 1989 in referendum legislation was lowered introducing triple hurdle (turnout of 50 per cent & voting YES one third of all eligible voters but more than 50 per cent of participants) in 2002. Then, in 2003 it was facilitated once again introducing new double hurdle (turn-out 50 per cent of all eligible voters & voting YES by 50 per cent of participants). Further attempts to facilitate positive result were limited by two factors: first, a specific factor, an almost parallel initiative of referendum on the constitutional amendments (so-called "Uspaskikh referendum"), is to be taken into consideration. In addition, a general requirement that the citizens themselves decide on the issue of Lithuania's EU integration in a decisive & binding manner, i.e. a referendum, typical for other CEE countries as well as, was also important here. Finally, other settings laying ground for a positive result, though facilitated twice, were further reinforced by a two-day voting procedure. Together with an unexpected apathy of Hungarian voters in their referendum, these risky rules became a reason for dramatization & anxiety expecting proclaiming referendum as invalid due to insufficient voter turnout. An official information campaign of the Government on the EU accession started in 2000. Gradually it turned into a one-sided agitation campaign, let alone before the referendum date. Positive involvement of the institutions possessing high public confidence such as te mass media & Catholic Church, a well-established consensus of the major political parties on the EU accession, weak organization of the euro-skeptical movement all led to an absence of any substantial political competition. Finally, the advertising as such started dominating the campaign. Features of propaganda, sometimes coming very close to a violation of laws banning advertising during the voting days, could be observed here too. Different points of view should be endorsed in order to interpret the high positive result of the referendum in a sufficient manner. As regards the history of Lithuania's political system, it was the fourth successful referendum since the 90s. What was typical for all of them was that the citizens & the elites held a common position on the issue. Seen within the context of the latest internal political developments in Lithuania, it could be nevertheless equated to an exception first of all in view of electorate's positive motivation, less apathy & the lack of tangible protest features. Referendum proceeding & its results -- maximal active support for the YES statement among all countries of fourth wave of EU enlargement -- give a fresh & useful data for testing "elite-centric," "rational choice," "ideological-cultural" theories of euro-integration. 6 Lenteles. Adapted from the source document.

Democratization and liberalization are very elaborate processes. This is very obvious in the region of Central Asia. Just after collapse of USSR countries like Kyrgyzstan and Kazakhstan had to create new or completely modify old constitutions and electoral laws. Officially both countries had chosen democratic systems. That is also marked in the first articles of their constitutions. However real politics in these countries is based on their leaders, "clans" and separate regions preferences. De jure and de facto democracies are accomplished in many different ways. Traditionally democratic freedoms such as freedom of speech, freedom of the press, freedom of religion and freedom of association – while provided for in the constitutions - are suppressed and/or severely limited. Several democratic transition theories and their adoption in Kyrgyzstan and Kazakhstan will be presented in this study. It will be overviewed not only their development but also marked different classification. Most of the study will be concentrated into electoral systems development and development of each country's constitutions after collapse of USSR. It will be marked different types of ruling systems, which have provided each electoral law or constitution amendments.

Democratization and liberalization are very elaborate processes. This is very obvious in the region of Central Asia. Just after collapse of USSR countries like Kyrgyzstan and Kazakhstan had to create new or completely modify old constitutions and electoral laws. Officially both countries had chosen democratic systems. That is also marked in the first articles of their constitutions. However real politics in these countries is based on their leaders, "clans" and separate regions preferences. De jure and de facto democracies are accomplished in many different ways. Traditionally democratic freedoms such as freedom of speech, freedom of the press, freedom of religion and freedom of association – while provided for in the constitutions - are suppressed and/or severely limited. Several democratic transition theories and their adoption in Kyrgyzstan and Kazakhstan will be presented in this study. It will be overviewed not only their development but also marked different classification. Most of the study will be concentrated into electoral systems development and development of each country's constitutions after collapse of USSR. It will be marked different types of ruling systems, which have provided each electoral law or constitution amendments.

Democratization and liberalization are very elaborate processes. This is very obvious in the region of Central Asia. Just after collapse of USSR countries like Kyrgyzstan and Kazakhstan had to create new or completely modify old constitutions and electoral laws. Officially both countries had chosen democratic systems. That is also marked in the first articles of their constitutions. However real politics in these countries is based on their leaders, "clans" and separate regions preferences. De jure and de facto democracies are accomplished in many different ways. Traditionally democratic freedoms such as freedom of speech, freedom of the press, freedom of religion and freedom of association – while provided for in the constitutions - are suppressed and/or severely limited. Several democratic transition theories and their adoption in Kyrgyzstan and Kazakhstan will be presented in this study. It will be overviewed not only their development but also marked different classification. Most of the study will be concentrated into electoral systems development and development of each country's constitutions after collapse of USSR. It will be marked different types of ruling systems, which have provided each electoral law or constitution amendments.

In the last decade of twentieth century the third wave of democratization caused transition in many of Sub-Saharan African countries. This research studies the role of Tanzania's and Zambia's political parties along with the effectiveness of democracy and institutionalization process in transition. The transition of African countries is not a fast overturning process. Today most of those countries stay in the frame of the second (transformation) and the third (democratic consolidation) levels of transition. The results of institutionalization research of party system showed that Tanzania's party system is assigned to medium level of institutionalization and pertain to transitional stage. Zambia's party system is assigned to medium-low level of institutionalization and pertain to the category of weakly formed party system. Tanzania and Zambia have not reached the full democratic consolidation yet. Therefore democracy process slowup reasons put the countries in the semi-democracy and grey zone category.

In the last decade of twentieth century the third wave of democratization caused transition in many of Sub-Saharan African countries. This research studies the role of Tanzania's and Zambia's political parties along with the effectiveness of democracy and institutionalization process in transition. The transition of African countries is not a fast overturning process. Today most of those countries stay in the frame of the second (transformation) and the third (democratic consolidation) levels of transition. The results of institutionalization research of party system showed that Tanzania's party system is assigned to medium level of institutionalization and pertain to transitional stage. Zambia's party system is assigned to medium-low level of institutionalization and pertain to the category of weakly formed party system. Tanzania and Zambia have not reached the full democratic consolidation yet. Therefore democracy process slowup reasons put the countries in the semi-democracy and grey zone category.

In the last decade of twentieth century the third wave of democratization caused transition in many of Sub-Saharan African countries. This research studies the role of Tanzania's and Zambia's political parties along with the effectiveness of democracy and institutionalization process in transition. The transition of African countries is not a fast overturning process. Today most of those countries stay in the frame of the second (transformation) and the third (democratic consolidation) levels of transition. The results of institutionalization research of party system showed that Tanzania's party system is assigned to medium level of institutionalization and pertain to transitional stage. Zambia's party system is assigned to medium-low level of institutionalization and pertain to the category of weakly formed party system. Tanzania and Zambia have not reached the full democratic consolidation yet. Therefore democracy process slowup reasons put the countries in the semi-democracy and grey zone category.

Institutions-organizations and institutions-rules (norms), levels of institutionalization and its influence on political development of political system, constitutions and constitutional interpretation, structural-functional characteristic of the main political institutions (parties, party and electoral systems, legislatures and executive power, public administration, interest groups, local governance, judicial and political communication institutions), variuos types, models of these institutions and activity, interaction between political institutions and their influence on real politics, institutional engineering, institutionalization of the political institutions, democratization and democratic consolidation processes – all these questions were discussed in this methodical book.

Institutions-organizations and institutions-rules (norms), levels of institutionalization and its influence on political development of political system, constitutions and constitutional interpretation, structural-functional characteristic of the main political institutions (parties, party and electoral systems, legislatures and executive power, public administration, interest groups, local governance, judicial and political communication institutions), variuos types, models of these institutions and activity, interaction between political institutions and their influence on real politics, institutional engineering, institutionalization of the political institutions, democratization and democratic consolidation processes – all these questions were discussed in this methodical book.

Institutions-organizations and institutions-rules (norms), levels of institutionalization and its influence on political development of political system, constitutions and constitutional interpretation, structural-functional characteristic of the main political institutions (parties, party and electoral systems, legislatures and executive power, public administration, interest groups, local governance, judicial and political communication institutions), variuos types, models of these institutions and activity, interaction between political institutions and their influence on real politics, institutional engineering, institutionalization of the political institutions, democratization and democratic consolidation processes – all these questions were discussed in this methodical book.

The article presents a study realized by the project "Promo¬ting women's policy initiatives to the balanced gender representation" financed by Lithuanian 2004-2006 Structural Funds programme. 18 women respondents candidate were interviewed in 5 (the two cities and three districts) constituencies and representing the highest rating for having parties or electoral coalitions. The study highlighted that not empowering electoral systems have an impact on women's involvement and representation, political activism gap between genders in Lithuania today in local elections emphasize that women often have fewer resources of time, money land civic skills than men as well as lower psychological engagement in politics. Through juggling their dual roles in the home and workplace, many working women with children and family responsibilities face competing demands on their time. Some, particularly the older generation of women, often lack the educational background, political socialization, financial assets and occupational experiences closely associated with political participation. Uncertainty, change, - are ubiquitous and the progress of democracy in the post communist region over the two decades presents lack of gender mainstreaming in political activism and particularly, the low political socialization of women participa¬ting in local elections.