Sąjūdis (Lithuanian independence movement) as an object of scholarly investigation has a certain history or maybe even a historiographic tradition. One of the first who started to investigate this problem was the representative of lithuanian diaspora in the US, professor of the University of Wisconsin Alfred Eric Senn. The changes of Lithuanian political life during the revival period were analyzed also by the Sąjūdis members themselves: Bronislavas Genzelis and Virgilijus Juozas Čepaitis. However, they often fail to avoid subjective views of certain personalities, their data is not always based on sources. Only at the end of the 20th and beginning of the 21st centuries Sąjūdis received proper attention from historians. The society at large was presented with scholarly publications, collections of articles and sources on particular subjects. Among these publications one can distinguish the one written by Česlovas Laurinavičius and Vladas Sirutavičius which deals with the political history of Lithuania in 1988–1990. After the careful analysis of scholarly publications dealing with the topic of Sąjūdis, one may notice the tendency to restrict the investigations of the events only prior to the restoration of lithuanian independence in March 1990. However, the process of transformation of spontaneous social renewal movement into a public organization is still remaining a white spot in history. There are several reasons for this, the most important of which is, to my mind, political. Historians are not willing to confuse their scientific investigations with their political preferences. In the Lithuanian historiography one might notice a tendency for historical investigations of Sąjūdis to intensify prior to the anniversaries of Lithuanian independence restoration. Historians usually restricted their works to the analysis of the national revival period events taking place in the country's capital. [.]
Sąjūdis (Lithuanian independence movement) as an object of scholarly investigation has a certain history or maybe even a historiographic tradition. One of the first who started to investigate this problem was the representative of lithuanian diaspora in the US, professor of the University of Wisconsin Alfred Eric Senn. The changes of Lithuanian political life during the revival period were analyzed also by the Sąjūdis members themselves: Bronislavas Genzelis and Virgilijus Juozas Čepaitis. However, they often fail to avoid subjective views of certain personalities, their data is not always based on sources. Only at the end of the 20th and beginning of the 21st centuries Sąjūdis received proper attention from historians. The society at large was presented with scholarly publications, collections of articles and sources on particular subjects. Among these publications one can distinguish the one written by Česlovas Laurinavičius and Vladas Sirutavičius which deals with the political history of Lithuania in 1988–1990. After the careful analysis of scholarly publications dealing with the topic of Sąjūdis, one may notice the tendency to restrict the investigations of the events only prior to the restoration of lithuanian independence in March 1990. However, the process of transformation of spontaneous social renewal movement into a public organization is still remaining a white spot in history. There are several reasons for this, the most important of which is, to my mind, political. Historians are not willing to confuse their scientific investigations with their political preferences. In the Lithuanian historiography one might notice a tendency for historical investigations of Sąjūdis to intensify prior to the anniversaries of Lithuanian independence restoration. Historians usually restricted their works to the analysis of the national revival period events taking place in the country's capital. [.]
Ziel des Artikels ist es, die Phänomene zu erläutern, die mit den Schwierigkeiten des Alltagslebens der Bewohner von Thorn zur Zeit der politischen Veränderungen am Ende des 1. Weltkriegs und während des Übergangs von Stadt und Region unter die Herrschaft des unabhängigen polnischen Staats einhergingen. Sowohl die Zeit des großen Kriegs als auch das Warten auf den Einbezug in die Grenzen der polnischen Republik waren für die Einwohner von Thorn eine Zeit der Entbehrungen und der Erfahrungen mit dem Fehlen von Artikeln des Grundbedarfs. Die politischen Turbulenzen waren für eine zufriedenstellende Lebensmittelversorgung nicht günstig, was sich mittelbar auf den Gesundheitszustand und die Stimmung der Thorner auswirkte. Die Stadt war damals auch einer der Hauptpunkte für den Transport von Kriegsflüchtlingen. Der von den Polen erwartete Anschluss an die freie Republik brachte nicht sofort den ersehnten Wohlstand; das in einen Krieg im Osten verwickelte und vom Krieg zerstörte Polen konnte ihn nicht gewährleisten. Anfang 1920 wurde Thorn trotz vieler Defizite und materieller Mängel zu einem Ort des Überflusses für Ankömmlinge aus den anderen früheren Teilungsgebieten. Die Übergangszeit zwischen dem Ende des Kriegs und der Vereinigung im Rahmen der wiedererstandenen polnischen Republik wurde auch zu einer Zeit der beschleunigten Veränderungen in der Gesellschaft der Stadt. Einer bedeutenden Umgestaltung unterlag ihre nationale Struktur, die Arbeitslosigkeit wurde zu einem ernsten Problem für die lokalen Behörden, es wuchsen die Kriminalität und pathologische Phänomene (z. B. Prostitution), der Prozess der Emanzipation der Frauen war deutlich erkennbar. ; The aim of the article is to present the issues related to the daily hardships experienced by inhabitants of Toruń during the period of political changes related to the end of the First World War and the transition of the city and the region under the rule of the independent Polish state. For inhabitants of Toruń both the time of the Great War and the period prior to Toruń's incorporation into the Republic of Poland was a period of sacrifices and caused them to experience shortages of basic necessities. Political turmoil did not favor satisfactory provisioning, which indirectly affected the health condition and social moods of Toruń's residents. At that time, the city was also one of the main transfer points for war refugees. The incorporation of the city into free Poland, awaited by Poles, did not immediately bring the desired prosperity, as Poland was entangled in the conflict in the east and devastated by the war. At the beginning of 1920 Toruń, despite many material deficits and shortages, became a desirable place for newcomers from behind the former cordon. The transition time between the end of the war and the unification within the reborn Polish state also became a period of accelerated changes in the local community. Its national structure changed significantly, unemployment became a serious problem for the local authorities, and there was an increase in the number of criminal offences and pathological phenomena (e.g. prostitution); what is more, the process of women's emancipation clearly became apparent. ; Celem artykułu jest przybliżenie zagadnień związanych z trudami życia codziennego mieszkańców Torunia w okresie przemian politycznych związanych z zakończeniem pierwszej wojny światowej i przejściem miasta i regionu pod władzę niepodległego państwa polskiego. Zarówno czas wielkiej wojny, jak i wyczekiwanie na włączenie w granice RP były dla mieszkańców Torunia okresem wyrzeczeń i doświadczania braków artykułów pierwszej potrzeby. Zawirowania polityczne nie sprzyjały zadowalającej aprowizacji, co pośrednio odbijało się na kondycji zdrowotnej i nastrojach społecznych torunian. Miasto było też wówczas jednym z głównych punktów przerzutu uchodźców wojennych. Oczekiwane przez Polaków włączenie do wolnej Rzeczypospolitej nie od razu przyniosło upragniony dobrobyt, uwikłana w konflikt na wschodzie oraz wyniszczona wojną Polska nie była w stanie go zapewnić. W początkach 1920 r. to Toruń, mimo wielu deficytów i braków materiałowych, stał się miejscem obfitości dla przybyszy zza dawnego kordo-nu. Czas przejściowy między zakończeniem wojny a unifikacją w ramach odrodzonej RP stał się też okresem przyspieszonych przemian społeczność lokalnej miasta. Znaczącemu przekształceniu uległa jego struktura narodowościowa, bezrobocie stało się poważnym problemem dla władz lokalnych, nastąpił wzrost przestępczości kryminalnej i zjawisk patologicznych (np. prosty-tucji), w sposób wyraźny uwidocznił się proces emancypacji kobiet.
Celem artykułu jest przybliżenie zagadnień związanych z trudami życia codziennego mieszkańców Torunia w okresie przemian politycznych związanych z zakończeniem pierwszej wojny światowej i przejściem miasta i regionu pod władzę niepodległego państwa polskiego. Zarówno czas wielkiej wojny, jak i wyczekiwanie na włączenie w granice RP były dla mieszkańców Torunia okresem wyrzeczeń i doświadczania braków artykułów pierwszej potrzeby. Zawirowania polityczne nie sprzyjały zadowalającej aprowizacji, co pośrednio odbijało się na kondycji zdrowotnej i nastrojach społecznych torunian. Miasto było też wówczas jednym z głównych punktów przerzutu uchodźców wojennych. Oczekiwane przez Polaków włączenie do wolnej Rzeczypospolitej nie od razu przyniosło upragniony dobrobyt, uwikłana w konflikt na wschodzie oraz wyniszczona wojną Polska nie była w stanie go zapewnić. W początkach 1920 r. to Toruń, mimo wielu deficytów i braków materiałowych, stał się miejscem obfitości dla przybyszy zza dawnego kordo-nu. Czas przejściowy między zakończeniem wojny a unifikacją w ramach odrodzonej RP stał się też okresem przyspieszonych przemian społeczność lokalnej miasta. Znaczącemu przekształceniu uległa jego struktura narodowościowa, bezrobocie stało się poważnym problemem dla władz lokalnych, nastąpił wzrost przestępczości kryminalnej i zjawisk patologicznych (np. prosty-tucji), w sposób wyraźny uwidocznił się proces emancypacji kobiet. ; Ziel des Artikels ist es, die Phänomene zu erläutern, die mit den Schwierigkeiten des Alltagslebens der Bewohner von Thorn zur Zeit der politischen Veränderungen am Ende des 1. Weltkriegs und während des Übergangs von Stadt und Region unter die Herrschaft des unabhängigen polnischen Staats einhergingen. Sowohl die Zeit des großen Kriegs als auch das Warten auf den Einbezug in die Grenzen der polnischen Republik waren für die Einwohner von Thorn eine Zeit der Entbehrungen und der Erfahrungen mit dem Fehlen von Artikeln des Grundbedarfs. Die politischen Turbulenzen waren für eine zufriedenstellende Lebensmittelversorgung nicht günstig, was sich mittelbar auf den Gesundheitszustand und die Stimmung der Thorner auswirkte. Die Stadt war damals auch einer der Hauptpunkte für den Transport von Kriegsflüchtlingen. Der von den Polen erwartete Anschluss an die freie Republik brachte nicht sofort den ersehnten Wohlstand; das in einen Krieg im Osten verwickelte und vom Krieg zerstörte Polen konnte ihn nicht gewährleisten. Anfang 1920 wurde Thorn trotz vieler Defizite und materieller Mängel zu einem Ort des Überflusses für Ankömmlinge aus den anderen früheren Teilungsgebieten. Die Übergangszeit zwischen dem Ende des Kriegs und der Vereinigung im Rahmen der wiedererstandenen polnischen Republik wurde auch zu einer Zeit der beschleunigten Veränderungen in der Gesellschaft der Stadt. Einer bedeutenden Umgestaltung unterlag ihre nationale Struktur, die Arbeitslosigkeit wurde zu einem ernsten Problem für die lokalen Behörden, es wuchsen die Kriminalität und pathologische Phänomene (z. B. Prostitution), der Prozess der Emanzipation der Frauen war deutlich erkennbar. ; The aim of the article is to present the issues related to the daily hardships experienced by inhabitants of Toruń during the period of political changes related to the end of the First World War and the transition of the city and the region under the rule of the independent Polish state. For inhabitants of Toruń both the time of the Great War and the period prior to Toruń's incorporation into the Republic of Poland was a period of sacrifices and caused them to experience shortages of basic necessities. Political turmoil did not favor satisfactory provisioning, which indirectly affected the health condition and social moods of Toruń's residents. At that time, the city was also one of the main transfer points for war refugees. The incorporation of the city into free Poland, awaited by Poles, did not immediately bring the desired prosperity, as Poland was entangled in the conflict in the east and devastated by the war. At the beginning of 1920 Toruń, despite many material deficits and shortages, became a desirable place for newcomers from behind the former cordon. The transition time between the end of the war and the unification within the reborn Polish state also became a period of accelerated changes in the local community. Its national structure changed significantly, unemployment became a serious problem for the local authorities, and there was an increase in the number of criminal offences and pathological phenomena (e.g. prostitution); what is more, the process of women's emancipation clearly became apparent.
The amendment to the Act on Road Traffic Law introduced a new legal institution related to failure to register a vehicle consisting of an administrative fine in the amount of PLN 200 to 1,000. The penalty is imposed by means of an administrative decision issued by a competent starost. With the introduction of the above-mentioned institution in legal circulation, new problems will arise in connection with conducting administrative proceedings to impose a penalty, as well as determining its amount. In addition, a starost, as a creditor, is obliged to initiate enforcement proceedings in the absence of voluntary execution of the decision imposing the penalty. The established body aims to ensure the implementation of Directive 2000/53/EC of the European Parliament and of the Council of 18 September 2000 on end-of-life vehicles, concerning, i.a., the absence of sanctions for not registering an imported vehicle and not registering an end-of-life vehicle. The following article discusses the main problems related to the application of the institution introduced with regard to the administrative procedure, the nature of the penalty imposed, as well as its enforcement. The considerations were carried out on the basis of a dogmatic method. ; Nowelizacja ustawy Prawo o ruchu drogowym wprowadziła nową instytucję prawną związaną z brakiem dokonania zarejestrowania pojazdu, jaką jest administracyjna kara pieniężna w wysokości od 200 do 1000 zł. Kara nakładana jest w drodze decyzji administracyjnej przez właściwego starostę. Wraz z wejściem do obrotu prawnego powyższej instytucji pojawią się nowe problemy związane z prowadzeniem postępowania administracyjnego w przedmiocie nałożenia kary, a także ustalenia jej wysokości. Ponadto starosta jako wierzyciel jest zobowiązany do wszczęcia postępowania egzekucyjnego w sytuacji braku dobrowolnego wykonania decyzji nakładającej karę. Wprowadzona instytucja ma na celu zapewnienie realizacji dyrektywy Parlamentu Europejskiego i Rady 2000/53/WE z dnia 18 września 2000 r. w sprawie pojazdów wycofanych z eksploatacji, dotyczącej m.in. braku sankcji za niezarejestrowanie importowanego pojazdu oraz niewyrejestrowanie pojazdu wycofanego z eksploatacji. W niniejszym artykule omówiono główne problemy związane ze stosowaniem wprowadzonej instytucji w zakresie procedury administracyjnej, charakterem nakładanej kary oraz jej egzekucji. Rozważania przeprowadzono w oparciu o metodę dogmatyczną.
The text discusses the impact of modernization processes in the formation of the modern Ukrainian nation. The selected period corresponds to the emergence of the first Ukrainian political organizations and is ending at the beginning of the Ukrainian state-building. As a social structure, the Ukrainians went through the process of inventing a name, defining the border of their ethnic territory, codifying the language and developing organizational life and forming political elites. It was not enough to gain independence at the end of World War I, because its achievement also depends on other factors. The analysis shows that the process of modernization in the case of Ukrainians belongs to the Central and Eastern Europe model.
W swych rozważaniach nad globalnym kryzysem edukacji, autor koncentruje się nad coraz ściślejszym splotem między edukacją a ekonomią i polityką, skupiając się przy tym na często pomijanym wymiarze światowego kryzysu edukacyjnego, a mianowicie na braku uznania edukacji za cel znaczący sam w sobie. Ilustrując swoje przemyślenia trzema przykładami z USA, Izraela i Polski, autor naświetla obecny kryzys jako ogólny atak na życie intelektualne oraz ukazuje jego rolę w życiu jednostek i społeczeństwa. ; In his reflection on the global crisis in education, the author points to the growing conflation of education with economics and politics and considers a generally neglected dimension of worldwide educational crisis, namely, the persistent lack of appreciation of education as a significant end in itself. He illustrates his point on three national cases - the United States, Israel and Poland – and shows the current crisis as a general attack using the life of the mind and the role it plays in the life of society and individuals.
This publication was created as part of the Human Capital "PIP: The Future of professional Education - local partnership to increase the adaptability of vocational teachers" program at the request of the Regional Labour Office in Bialystok, in the framework of Measure 8.1 Development of employees and enterprises in the region, sub-measure 8.1.3 Strengthening the partnership for local adaptation, co-financed by the European Union under the European Social Fund. The aim of the project is to develop the end of June 2015 collaboration solutions of local institutions and companies for the modernization of enterprises and vocational schools in the Podlaskie region in terms of forms of work organization, forms of performing work, work-life balance and adaptability of professional teachers threatened with unemployment.
We live in a world ruled by liberal democracy. Moreover, it is becoming commonly launched that we have reached the end of politics, as we know it, and are experiencing the beginning of postpolitics. Political life is becoming deprived of its constituents in the name of the technical approach to political processes (postpolitical). Conflict as an immanent part of politics is also becoming a thing of the past, substituted with a win-win type of politics. In our postideological and postpolitical era everyone seems to accept this central consensus. Developing this thesis, the author deliberates on the resilience of a system based on an erroneous, in his opinion, presumption – the presumption of the end of politics and the beginning of the postpolitics, of which the project of deliberative democracy is a striking example. Relating to Mouffe, the author attempts to leverage the corner stone of deliberative democracy – faith in the possibility of disqualifying the essential correlate of democracy, which is inequality, or as Mouffe describes it herself "the element of indetermination". Following the theories of Mouffe, Laclau, Chomsky, or Wallerstein, the author claims that what we really need is a contestation of the status quo, which instead of a radical change of the political system or creating a new system from scratch would consist in creating a deft sewerage system of social frustrations and the ability to manage conflicts. That is exactly what the project of agonistic democracy should serve, in which a Schmittonian oposition of friend/enemy is replaced with an opposition of friend/opponent. The inability to treat political opponents as adversaries, as I substantiate with the example of the military, following Bacevich's terminology, foreign policy of the United States, leads on to the transformation of the language of politics into a language of morality and ethics. And from this point it is not far to the Manichaean visions and managing not politics but a crusade against the evil. The essay does not provide easy answers and the author is far from moralizing. His real aim is to provoke a discussion, an encouragement of critical thinking and search for truth, the truth – as Pinter put it – hidden somewhere in our life. According to the author it is critical, if democracy is to function.
We live in a world ruled by liberal democracy. Moreover, it is becoming commonly launched that we have reached the end of politics, as we know it, and are experiencing the beginning of postpolitics. Political life is becoming deprived of its constituents in the name of the technical approach to political processes (postpolitical). Conflict as an immanent part of politics is also becoming a thing of the past, substituted with a win-win type of politics. In our postideological and postpolitical era everyone seems to accept this central consensus. Developing this thesis, the author deliberates on the resilience of a system based on an erroneous, in his opinion, presumption – the presumption of the end of politics and the beginning of the postpolitics, of which the project of deliberative democracy is a striking example. Relating to Mouffe, the author attempts to leverage the corner stone of deliberative democracy – faith in the possibility of disqualifying the essential correlate of democracy, which is inequality, or as Mouffe describes it herself "the element of indetermination". Following the theories of Mouffe, Laclau, Chomsky, or Wallerstein, the author claims that what we really need is a contestation of the status quo, which instead of a radical change of the political system or creating a new system from scratch would consist in creating a deft sewerage system of social frustrations and the ability to manage conflicts. That is exactly what the project of agonistic democracy should serve, in which a Schmittonian oposition of friend/enemy is replaced with an opposition of friend/opponent. The inability to treat political opponents as adversaries, as I substantiate with the example of the military, following Bacevich's terminology, foreign policy of the United States, leads on to the transformation of the language of politics into a language of morality and ethics. And from this point it is not far to the Manichaean visions and managing not politics but a crusade against the evil. The essay does not provide easy answers and the author is far from moralizing. His real aim is to provoke a discussion, an encouragement of critical thinking and search for truth, the truth – as Pinter put it – hidden somewhere in our life. According to the author it is critical, if democracy is to function.
The article presents the evolution of the Ukrainian political thought through the analysis of the main elements of the two political doctrines – integral-nationalist and conservative-monarchical from the 20s and 30s. The author tries to prove that the political thought of Ukraine can be understood as the evolution of certain doctrines and political theories ie collective views on the political life of the Ukrainian society and the principles of coexistence among its members, and in the end will look at the power in the country, its political system, organization and function. ; W artykule przedstawiono ewolucję ukraińskiej myśli politycznej przez analizę głównych elementów dwóch doktryn politycznych – integralno-nacjonalistycznej i konserwatywno-monarchicznej z lat dwudziestych i trzydziestych XX w. Autor starał się udowodnić, że myśl polityczną Ukrainy można rozumieć jako ewolucję pewnych doktryn czy teorii politycznych, czyli zbiorowych poglądów na życie polityczne ukraińskiego społeczeństwa, a także zasady współżycia pomiędzy jego członkami, co w końcu pozwoli spojrzeć na władzę w państwie, jego ustrój, organizację i funkcję.
The establishment of the Lithuanian state and the consolidation of independence in the Republic of Lithuania (1918–1940) was accompanied by the construction of an appropriate collective memory and the accompanying historical narrative. The Catholic Church in Lithuania at that time was an authoritative institution that influenced various spheres of domestic life in the country; therefore, it could also influence the collective memory. This article attempts to answer whether the Catholic Church in Interwar Lithuania sought to form a collective memory. It is stated that the Lithuanian Episcopate did not demonstrate a purposeful desire to form a collective memory because it did not have a clear and unified approach to the culture of memory. There were other reasons: at first it was hindered by the worries of creating an independent ecclesiastical province of Lithuania, and from the end of the 1930s the Church's relations with the government became strained, as the latter hindered the social activity of Catholic society. The Church did not specifically shape its own story about the creation of a modern Lithuanian state and the history of modern Lithuania. However, the Church turned to this past when, in defending the freedom of action of the Catholic Church, it wanted to emphasise the role of the Church in the creation of an independent state of Lithuania.
The establishment of the Lithuanian state and the consolidation of independence in the Republic of Lithuania (1918–1940) was accompanied by the construction of an appropriate collective memory and the accompanying historical narrative. The Catholic Church in Lithuania at that time was an authoritative institution that influenced various spheres of domestic life in the country; therefore, it could also influence the collective memory. This article attempts to answer whether the Catholic Church in Interwar Lithuania sought to form a collective memory. It is stated that the Lithuanian Episcopate did not demonstrate a purposeful desire to form a collective memory because it did not have a clear and unified approach to the culture of memory. There were other reasons: at first it was hindered by the worries of creating an independent ecclesiastical province of Lithuania, and from the end of the 1930s the Church's relations with the government became strained, as the latter hindered the social activity of Catholic society. The Church did not specifically shape its own story about the creation of a modern Lithuanian state and the history of modern Lithuania. However, the Church turned to this past when, in defending the freedom of action of the Catholic Church, it wanted to emphasise the role of the Church in the creation of an independent state of Lithuania.
The establishment of the Lithuanian state and the consolidation of independence in the Republic of Lithuania (1918–1940) was accompanied by the construction of an appropriate collective memory and the accompanying historical narrative. The Catholic Church in Lithuania at that time was an authoritative institution that influenced various spheres of domestic life in the country; therefore, it could also influence the collective memory. This article attempts to answer whether the Catholic Church in Interwar Lithuania sought to form a collective memory. It is stated that the Lithuanian Episcopate did not demonstrate a purposeful desire to form a collective memory because it did not have a clear and unified approach to the culture of memory. There were other reasons: at first it was hindered by the worries of creating an independent ecclesiastical province of Lithuania, and from the end of the 1930s the Church's relations with the government became strained, as the latter hindered the social activity of Catholic society. The Church did not specifically shape its own story about the creation of a modern Lithuanian state and the history of modern Lithuania. However, the Church turned to this past when, in defending the freedom of action of the Catholic Church, it wanted to emphasise the role of the Church in the creation of an independent state of Lithuania.
The establishment of the Lithuanian state and the consolidation of independence in the Republic of Lithuania (1918–1940) was accompanied by the construction of an appropriate collective memory and the accompanying historical narrative. The Catholic Church in Lithuania at that time was an authoritative institution that influenced various spheres of domestic life in the country; therefore, it could also influence the collective memory. This article attempts to answer whether the Catholic Church in Interwar Lithuania sought to form a collective memory. It is stated that the Lithuanian Episcopate did not demonstrate a purposeful desire to form a collective memory because it did not have a clear and unified approach to the culture of memory. There were other reasons: at first it was hindered by the worries of creating an independent ecclesiastical province of Lithuania, and from the end of the 1930s the Church's relations with the government became strained, as the latter hindered the social activity of Catholic society. The Church did not specifically shape its own story about the creation of a modern Lithuanian state and the history of modern Lithuania. However, the Church turned to this past when, in defending the freedom of action of the Catholic Church, it wanted to emphasise the role of the Church in the creation of an independent state of Lithuania.