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This article explores the idea that rape has an essence. It considers the meaning of essence in ordinary language and constructs a fourfold typology through which ideas of essence are interrogated. This process reveals that different notions of essence are implicated in key debates around rape, its nature, content, function(s), and scope. Mounting a comprehensive critique of the role of essence in rape discourse, it is argued that such discursive reliance on essence pro-motes an understanding of rape as static and universal, insensitive to historical and cultural spatialities, and projecting a continuity of meaning and commonality of understanding which is more misleading than enlightening. The article concludes by encouraging an apprehension of rape as politically contested and contextually bound, shifting the focus away from abstract enquiries into what rape is, towards situated engagement with law's role in the regulation of sexual misconduct.

Paolo Freire argued that the essence of dialogue is comprised of reflection and action. 'Praxis' he argued, is 'reflection upon the world, in order to transform it' (Freire, 2000:51). Such a process, if it is to be authentic, necessarily involves dialogue and reciprocity, a situated relational practice. My encounter with Freire, back when I was an undergrad, certainly steered me in a particular direction. I see little point in learning if it isn't to be shared. I see little point in knowledge if it isn't to be questioned, interrogated and held to account. And I see little point in knowledge if it isn't to be used to challenge injustice or transform lives. Over the years, my ideas have evolved in response to a changing context, with new voices and new perspectives. I remain unapologetically political, in my academic work, in my teaching, in my practice and in the way I embrace, live, understand and experience the world. Challenging as it may be at times, I try to embrace hope as a political act towards understanding, social justice and transformation. ; N/A

The relevance of the article is due to the fact that not enough attention is being paid in the scientific and educational legal literature to the problems of administrative conviction, and therefore the questions about its main features and definition remain debatable. The purpose of the article is to find out the essence of administrative conviction. Systematic and historical approaches, methods of analysis and synthesis, comparative method, method of expert assessments were used in the process of realization of this goal. Informational basis of the article are literary sources, Code of Ukraine on Administrative Offenses, the law "On the National Police". An analysis of the first in the post-Soviet legal literature serious attempt to find out about the features of administrative persuasion has been made. As part of this analysis: 1) it has been shown that the provisions under which: a) the application of an administrative conviction is a monopoly of public authorities; b) administrative conviction is not linked to individual influence; 2) the contradiction between the Ukrainian legislation and the allegations in the legal literature has been pointed out, and it has been confirmed that the factual basis of the administrative conviction is always absent and that its application does not have a regulatory framework; 3) it has been suggested that under the current conditions the primacy of persuasion over coercion should be regarded not as a feature of administrative persuasion but as a desirable tendency for the development of this institution; 4) it has been considered as appropriate to include in the range of features of administrative conviction that: a) it is a universal method of public administration; b) subordination of its influence is voluntary; c) it is a means of preventing and averting an offense Criticism of the view that administrative conviction includes encouragement has been supported. It has been concluded that the administrative conviction is a universal method of public administration, which ...

Democracy is the product of the politico - economical systems of human society and is always evaluated from the point of view of the populace representation and their role. Continuously, to the democracy, are devoted countless number of theories which intent to explain the causes of the birth of democratic regimes and the power of civil society within such social systems. But in the philosophical plane, require answers a number of questions related to its origin and need, such as: Why did mankind leave the natural state of freedom when it was governed only by the instincts and the law of the jungle? What factors were imposed on the natural state of freedom and called to the stage of history the need for democracy? According to philosophers who refer to the determining role of elites, society is perceived as a single pyramid, at the head of which stands the elite of society itself. Philosophers, who refer to the role of pluralism, represent society as a number of billiard balls which collide with one another and with the governance itself, by producing the respective policies. Both views can be discussed. A society can be seen in the shape of a pyramid led by its elites. Robert Dahl called this kind of democracy a "polyarchy", which means leaded by the leaders of various groups who have managed to have an understanding with one another, while another scholar Arend Lijphart has called it "constitutional democracy". He argues that elites of every important group reach an agreement to run society under constitutional rules. This study provides a detailed analysis of the notion of "Democracy" seen from the point of view of elitism and pluralism. The breadth and depth of the subject consists of an intricate initiative in itself, for the fact that no study, old or new, or even all of the studies together on this subject, with all the depth and attentive care, can be complete, let alone conclusive, when they try to shed light on the etymological roots of humanity's democracy, on the abysses and the depths that it needs to overcome at present, as well as in its future. The study also puts forward a number of concerns related to the implementation of democracy as a theory and as a practice.

Naturally, the human decision behavior is normally based on selfishness, but it may be different according to their desire such as considering on the benefits. On the economics field called utility which has an effect on the decision of the ones to buy goods or services that means human will naturally decide to depend on the most valued among all things that exist. In the same way, political decision behavior such as an observer, participator, partner etc… are usually under the influences of political utilities that are in stimulation of estimation and acceptation on value from political activities, which can be described in four theories; deterministic, exchange, psychology and consciously rational. Each theory explains political values differently, but they are the same in focusing on political behavior. Thus, political decision of any political actor must be based on their supreme values hoping to serve, therefore, general assumptions could be concluded that political utilities influence political behavior.

Strategy can be discussed from two perspectives that of the student of strategy, who is unhampered by deadlines and free from adherence to any particular formation or authority other than imposed by intellectual rigor; and that of the executive authority, who must formulate specific national and military strategic policies and plans.

This article examines the essential oils that are the central tools of aromatherapy and uses them as a case study for different approaches to material culture. It considers the conceptual and political implications of thinking of essential oils as, in turn, commodities, materials and essences. I argue that both cultural studies and aromatherapy have something to learn from each other. Classic materialist approaches might do well to focus more attention on the material properties and effects of things. Aromatherapy, on the other hand, could benefit from the enriched political understanding associated with classic materialist critique. New materialist strains of cultural studies may also find the vibrancy of matter that underpins many CAM/New Age practices worthy of examination.

This article is dedicated to the one of important term as «self-government» and the essence of community governance. The authors introduced different theories on this issue. There are many arguments about the ways of establishment and development of local self-government in the different countries and comments of existing historical and local traditions in this article.

Biological terrorism is the reality of today. It is understood as the deliberate use by individuals, terrorist groups or organizations, separate structures of state bodies of biological weapons of destruction ofpeople, animals and plants in order to destroy or disable people, causing great economic, social, political, demographic and environmental losses to the country and the world community , imposing a certain line of behavior on international organizations, states, local governments in solving external and internal issues problem. The negative consequences of bioterrorism are revealed, three classes of biological agents, the main methods of combat use of biological weapons are analyzed.

A currency market is an important element in economic politics of the state. The last decades of development of home and world economy were reflected by the huge height of the international moving of capitals and strengthening of role of currency-financial relations. However, a world financial crisis negatively affected international currency relations. Violation of their stability showed up in instability of courses of national currencies of the most world countries. A currency market is the significant constituent of the financial system of the state. Currency market development reflects flexibility of the financial system and speed with that she can adapt to the changes in economic and political life of country to a great extent, and also to the different processes that take place after her limits.

A national security, which aims a defense of human and citizen, providing of vital activity's appropriate conditions and society's stable development, sovereignty and territorial integrity, comes out as an important factor of stable functioning of any state. Complication of determination of national security's concept is conditioned with its complex character because it presents the certain legal status of state which is focused on defense of national interests and providing of security in different spheres (economical, foreign policy, military etc.).

The New Economy should not be discounted as a temporary stock market phenomenon, but should be recognized as a real and sustainable phenomenon. The basic feature of the transition towards the New Economy is the rising importance of information—both as output and input good—in virtually all sectors of the economy. It would be fallacious to interpret the New Economy as a sector-specific phenomenon. Information increasingly constitutes a crucial input factor both in modern and traditional industries, and the information content of a final output is continuously rising throughout the economy. Present technological change, which is based upon modern information and communications technologies and on biotechnology, measures up to the industrial revolutions of past centuries. It would be premature, however, to identify fundamental trend shifts in aggregate productivity growth, because certain measurement issues are still unsettled and the observation period is still too short. Private firms must develop new business strategies in order to cope with potential market failure resulting from the properties of information goods as public goods, network goods, and experience goods. Bundling and versioning of products, attracting free riders, and —above all— establishing reputation are among the most important business strategies for the New Economy. The New Economy can be expected to reshape the structure of firms and industrial relations. On the one hand, reduced transaction costs will foster small, network-oriented niche suppliers. On the other hand, the New Economy will create substantial firm-size economies of its own—resulting from low marginal costs of information goods and competitive advantages from bundling and the exploitation of reputation. In addition, new types of incentive contracts that can serve to monitor knowledge-intensive activities will gain ground. Since human capital will replace physical capital as the crucial factor of production, improving the qualifications of the labor force is essential to successfully cope with adjustment challenges of the New Economy to the labor market.

Abstract. Currently, the role of civil society tends to be stronger in counterbalancing state domination through a democratic system. The state's efforts to create a responsive civil society, namely continuing to instill democratic values based on Pancasila and the 1945 Constitution of the Republic of Indonesia. This article aims to examine the prospects for civil society in a democracy. This research uses a qualitative descriptive approach with the type of literature study with data sources in the form of journals, books, and working papers that are relevant to deductive, inductive, and comparative data analysis. The results show that civil society in the current democracy frame is seen as being able to balance the dominance of the state in policymaking. However, if we look at it, on the other hand, it is quite difficult for us to argue with the actors and political elites, businessmen, and other elites who are not directly involved with the government so that their role is able to determine the wheels of policy as their output even though it may reduce the legitimacy of the state. This is also when we elaborate with the theory of democracy according to Robeth Dahl, where basically modern democracy today is strongly influenced by the capitalization and liberalization of the market economy sector which has a significant double impact on the prospect of a complete democracy.Keywords: Civil Society, democracy.Abstrak. Saat ini peran masyarakat sipil cenderung lebih kuat dalam mengimbangi dominasi negara melalui sistem demokrasi. Upaya negara mewujudkan masyarakat sipil yang responsif yaitu terus menanamkan nilai demokratis berdasarkan pancasila dan UUD NRI Tahun 1945. Artikel ini bertujuan untuk mengulas tentang prospek masyarakat sipil dalam demokrasi. Penelitian ini menggunakan pendekatan deskriptif kualitatif dengan jenis studi kepustakaan dengan sumber data berupa jurnal, buku-buku, dan working paper yang relevan dengan analisis data deduktif, induktif, dan komparatif. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa masyarakat sipil dalam bingkai demokrasi saat ini dipandang mampu mengimbangin dominasi negara dalam penentuan kebijakan. Namun apabila kita cermati dilain sisi bahwa cukup sulit kita bantah terkait para aktor dan elit politik, pengusaha, dan elit yang lainya secara tidak lansung terlibat dengan pemerintah hingga peran mereka mampu menentukan roda kebijakan sebagai outputnya meski kemungkinan mengurangi legitimasi negara. Hal ini juga apabila kita elaborasi dengan teori deokrasi menurut Robeth Dahl dimana pada dasarnya demokrasi modern saat ini memang kuat dipengaruhi oleh kapitalisasi dan liberalisasi sektor ekonomi pasar yang signifikan berdampak ganda pada prospek demokrasi yang utuh.Kata Kunci: Masyarakat Sipil, demokrasi

This article analyses two Venda ngano narratives that portray coming-of-age experiences. Viewed in juxtaposition, they express the radical shift from premodern modes of material and symbolic production to the reified consciousness of capitalist relations. This shift implicates the rootedness of local world views and global market forces within colonial and Western history, as well as contemporary political and economic conditions. The first narrative accordingly describes a classic rite of passage towards adulthood and citizenship within an ancient, precolonial world. Its protagonist is the culture hero whose society prioritises qualities and ideals like spirituality and social integration. In contrast, the second story is located in the colonial world. Its young hero migrates from his rural village to the city, and his adventure is an embryonic representation of the sociopolitical and racial dynamics of the colonial encounter. His actions evolve within a modernist world view, specifically a rational materialism driven by a teleology of progress that conceives economic organisation as the mediator of social relationships and personal fulfilment. The engagement of these diverse world views with history is explored from a perspective that aligns the ancient Venda concept of zwivhuya with Fromm's notion of qualitative freedom, of actualisation in all realms of human experience and of transcendence in all forms. The resplendent materiality presented in the second narrative is accordingly argued to conceal a spectre of fear and incomplete selfawareness. This poses a dilemma that speaks to all humanity, namely the need to transform the actual poverty of reified materiality into the wealth of an integrated world.

Includes index. ; "Table of cases": p. xxi-xxxvii. ; Mode of access: Internet.