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Introduction: The Problem of the Being of the Ego and the Fundamental Presuppositions of Ontology -- Section I. The Clarification of the Concept of Phenomenon: Ontological Monism -- Section II. The Repeating of the Clarification of the Concept of Phenomenon Transcendence and Immanence -- Section III. The Internal Structure of Immanence and the Problem of its Phenomenological Determination: The Invisible -- Section IV. The Fundamental Ontological Interpretation of the Original Essence of Revelation as Affectivity -- 71. The Problem of the Essence of Manifestation and 'Splitting' -- 72. Negativity Interpreted as a Category of Being -- 73. The Pseudo-Essence of Subjectivity and the Critique of Christianity -- 74. The Kingdom of Effective Presence and the Flight beyond All Effectiveness -- 75. Time and the Problem of the Manifestation of the Concept -- 76. Alienation: Finitude and the Inadequacy of Objective Manifestation -- 77. The Effort toward Absolute Knowledge.

AbstractKit Fine (Philos Perspect 8:1–16, 1994) famously objected against the idea that essence can be successfully analyzed in terms ofde renecessity. In response, I want to explore a novel, interesting, but controversial modal account of essence in terms ofintrinsicalityandgrounding. In the first section, I will single out two theoretical requirements that any essentialist theory should meet—theessentialist desideratumand theessentialist challenge—in order to clarify Fine's objections. In the second section, I will assess Denby's improved modal account, which appeals to the notion of intrinsicality, and argue that it is untenable. In the third section, I will explain how, when combined with a modal-existential criterion, a hyperintensional account of intrinsicality—in the same vein as Bader (J Philos 110(10):525–563, 2013) and Rosen (in: Hale and Hoffman (eds) Modality: Metaphysics, logic, and epistemology, Oxford, OUP, 2010)—can help successfully address Fine's counterexamples. In the fourth section, I will evaluate how this novel analysis of essence stands with respect to sortal, origin, and natural kinds essentialism and discuss potential objections and difficulties.

Émile Ollivier a été perçu comme l'un des plus grands transgresseurs de l'histoire de France. Rallié à l'Empire, il est devenu l'incarnation de sa transformation avant de chuter définitivement avec lui. De ses jeunes années à sa mort, il est ici suivi pas à pas. Se dégage le portrait d'un homme transgressif par essence, un atypique de la politique qui s'est beaucoup trompé mais qui, comme d'autres, a montré une voie originale à ses contemporains et a même eu une forme de génie prophétique.

Mr. W. J. Shepard, in a review of my work, Die moderne Demokratie, remarks that I have forgotten its spirit in the study of its forms. "It is not the vitalizing spirit," he writes, "the impelling motive force, the broadly based popular sentiment of democracy that is of interest, but only the forms and mechanism ‥‥ of democratic-republican states." Now I have in the fifth chapter of the second book presented the theory of political democracy, in the sixth that of social democracy, and in the seventh that of democratic socialism; and in the first of these three chapters I have discussed popular sovereignty and active citizenship, the supremacy of the majority in a democracy, the unlimited constituent power of the people (pouvoir constituant), in which European science has conceived the essence of this form of the state to reside in contradistinction to other forms. But Mr. Shepard has a different conception of its nature. He has raised an interesting question in this connection which I should like to discuss in the following pages.Brief though his statement on this point is, no one can doubt that he considers the supremacy of public opinion as the essence of democracy, since he writes: "No discussion of the nature, elements and effects of public opinion, no appreciation of the spirit of democracy is to be found in the covers of this volume." As a matter of fact I have treated of this subject in the above-mentioned first division of the fifth chapter, which is devoted to the discussion of popular sovereignty, though certainly in the brief compass which appeared to me sufficient for the understanding of the nature of democracy.

"Kamandaki's Nītisāra, or The Essence of Politics, redefined the field of political thought in early medieval India and became one of the most influential works in the genre across South and Southeast Asia. It was likely written during or shortly after the Gupta Empire (c. 325-550 C.E.) and enjoyed wide popularity for nearly a millennium. An elegant introduction to the intricacies of statecraft, The Essence of Politics encompasses virtually all aspects of elite social life, making it indispensable for generals, spies, ministers, and other members of the royal court, especially poets writing about war and conquest. Addressed directly to the king, its lessons range from the finer points of military strategy and economic policy to the moral qualities of effective rulers. Kamandaki anchors political practice in intellectual and spiritual discipline. His model of leadership, based on self-control and personal cultivation, is as relevant today as it was in its own time. The Sanskrit text, presented here in the Devanagari script, accompanies a new English prose translation"--

Paolo Freire argued that the essence of dialogue is comprised of reflection and action. 'Praxis' he argued, is 'reflection upon the world, in order to transform it' (Freire, 2000:51). Such a process, if it is to be authentic, necessarily involves dialogue and reciprocity, a situated relational practice. My encounter with Freire, back when I was an undergrad, certainly steered me in a particular direction. I see little point in learning if it isn't to be shared. I see little point in knowledge if it isn't to be questioned, interrogated and held to account. And I see little point in knowledge if it isn't to be used to challenge injustice or transform lives. Over the years, my ideas have evolved in response to a changing context, with new voices and new perspectives. I remain unapologetically political, in my academic work, in my teaching, in my practice and in the way I embrace, live, understand and experience the world. Challenging as it may be at times, I try to embrace hope as a political act towards understanding, social justice and transformation. ; N/A

The relevance of the article is due to the fact that not enough attention is being paid in the scientific and educational legal literature to the problems of administrative conviction, and therefore the questions about its main features and definition remain debatable. The purpose of the article is to find out the essence of administrative conviction. Systematic and historical approaches, methods of analysis and synthesis, comparative method, method of expert assessments were used in the process of realization of this goal. Informational basis of the article are literary sources, Code of Ukraine on Administrative Offenses, the law "On the National Police". An analysis of the first in the post-Soviet legal literature serious attempt to find out about the features of administrative persuasion has been made. As part of this analysis: 1) it has been shown that the provisions under which: a) the application of an administrative conviction is a monopoly of public authorities; b) administrative conviction is not linked to individual influence; 2) the contradiction between the Ukrainian legislation and the allegations in the legal literature has been pointed out, and it has been confirmed that the factual basis of the administrative conviction is always absent and that its application does not have a regulatory framework; 3) it has been suggested that under the current conditions the primacy of persuasion over coercion should be regarded not as a feature of administrative persuasion but as a desirable tendency for the development of this institution; 4) it has been considered as appropriate to include in the range of features of administrative conviction that: a) it is a universal method of public administration; b) subordination of its influence is voluntary; c) it is a means of preventing and averting an offense Criticism of the view that administrative conviction includes encouragement has been supported. It has been concluded that the administrative conviction is a universal method of public administration, which ...