The Barents Encyclopedia will present comprehensive information about the progress of the Barents Region Project, the project to establish international collaboration across national borders through innovative organizational conceptualizations, an active promotion of a transborder regional identity, and the introduction of new forms of regional governance in the most densely populated and industrialized part of the Arctic. Articles in the encyclopedia will discuss the historical roots of current developments and review the cultural, socio-economic, and political prerequisites for a continued and intensified transborder interaction among citizens inhabiting the Barents Region, a territory so designated through the signing of the 1993 Kirkenes Declaration.
The article focuses on the images of African and particularly Muslim protagonists in an Early Modern dramatic work by Thomas Dekker with the aim of establishing the European perception of Moors, as African Muslims were generally described, in the late sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries. The purpose of analyzing an English play of this period is to discover the kind of attitudes the English government and certain writers and playwrights displayed in their approach to what was considered as the problem of the presence of the Moors in England, and Europe at large. The article also attempts to locate the debate about the European commercial and strategic policy towards the people of Morocco and the East, into the context of the treatment meted out to the Moors of Spain after the fall of their Empire during the fifteenth century. Moreover, the historical repercussions in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries of the expulsion of Moors from Spain and the ensuing concepts of 'ethnic purity' are also discussed in terms of the literary representations of the race and identity of people of colour in Europe. These ideas serve to develop the argument, presented in the article, that the literary propaganda against racial integration paved the way for the prejudicial view of non-European, particularly non-white, people in Europe.
Taking into account that ethnic cleansing not only undoes the legal and spatial formations within a given territory but also is a productive force aimed at securing and normalizing a new political order within a contested territory, we examine its impact on settler colonial geographies. We show that the relative completeness or incompleteness of ethnic cleansing helps shape the specific configuration of two intricately tied sites of social management – spatial reproduction and legal governance – within settler colonial regimes. We claim that complete ethnic cleansing produces a 'refined' form of settler colonialism resembling the colonial geographies of North America and Australia and is more readily normalized, while incomplete ethnic cleansing produces an 'intermediate' form of settler colonialism similar to the colonial regime in Rhodesia before the settlers lost power and is impossible to normalize due to a series of contradictions stemming from the presence of the 'indigenous other'. To uncover this less acknowledged feature of ethnic cleansing we compare two territories that were colonized by Israel during the 1967 War: the Syrian Golan Heights and the Palestinian West Bank.
The article deals with the case-study of the Armenian genocide committeed by the Ottoman government in the mid-WWI. The aim of the investigation is to present an ideological background of the Armenian genocide, its course and its consequences. In order to effectively realize the aim of the investigation, the research methodology of the text analysis of historical sources and scholarly research literature is implemented as the fundamental study approach. The final findings of the investigation suggest that the Armenian genocide of 1915−1916 had a deeper ideological-religious background, that was done for the very political-religious purposes having immediate consequences at the time of the next world war as unspoken and unpunished example of successful and brutal ethnic cleansing. The Armenian genocide can be called as the first modern Islamic-Jihad ethnic cleansing.
The article deals with the case-study of the Armenian genocide committeed by the Ottoman government in the mid-WWI. The aim of the investigation is to present an ideological background of the Armenian genocide, its course and its consequences. In order to effectively realize the aim of the investigation, the research methodology of the text analysis of historical sources and scholarly research literature is implemented as the fundamental study approach. The final findings of the investigation suggest that the Armenian genocide of 1915−1916 had a deeper ideological-religious background, that was done for the very political-religious purposes having immediate consequences at the time of the next world war as unspoken and unpunished example of successful and brutal ethnic cleansing. The Armenian genocide can be called as the first modern Islamic-Jihad ethnic cleansing.
Abstract Internationally regarded as "the crime of crimes" in both legal and moral terms, the concept of genocide has towered over discussions of ethnic conflict and mass violence since the Second World War. This article shifts the focus away from genocide and onto the neglected yet illuminating conceptual politics that have unfolded in the shadow of genocide. I begin by recasting the post-war criminalization of genocide as a "strategy of containment" that has deflected attention away from the constitutive contradictions of the international order, especially its long history of racial and colonial violence. The remainder of the article then explores how this strategy of containment has been both challenged and reinforced through the articulation of ethnocide and ethnic cleansing as supplementary categories. Since the late 1960s, the concept of ethnocide has been mobilized by the indigenous rights movement as a way of foregrounding the cultural destruction that has accompanied the onward march of modernity and development. In contrast, the concept of ethnic cleansing has been popularized by powerful members of the international community as a way of chastising particular "deviant" states without burdening themselves with the responsibility to intervene or calling into question the universalistic civilizational standards that underpin the international order. If the charge of ethnocide has sought to undo some of the containments and closures of genocide discourse, then the charge of ethnic cleansing has served to reinforce them. The article concludes by proposing the "ethnic century" as a world-historical lens for thinking about the post-war international order. Considerado internacionalmente como "el crimen de los crímenes" tanto en términos legales como morales, el concepto de genocidio ha prevalecido sobre las discusiones sobre conflictos étnicos y violencia masiva desde la Segunda Guerra Mundial. Este artículo desplaza el foco de atención del genocidio hacia las políticas conceptuales, relegadas pero esclarecedoras, que se han desarrollado a la sombra del genocidio. Empieza reformulando la criminalización del genocidio en la posguerra como una "estrategia de contención" que ha desviado la atención de las contradicciones constitutivas del orden internacional, especialmente su larga historia de violencia racial y colonial. El resto del artículo explora cómo se ha desafiado y reforzado esta estrategia de contención mediante la articulación del etnocidio y la limpieza étnica como categorías complementarias. Desde finales de la década de 1960, el concepto de "etnocidio" ha sido movilizado por el movimiento de derechos indígenas como una forma de poner en primer plano la destrucción cultural que ha acompañado la marcha hacia adelante de la modernidad y el desarrollo. Por el contrario, el concepto de "limpieza étnica" ha sido popularizado por poderosos miembros de la comunidad internacional como una forma de castigar a determinados estados "desviados," sin cargarse con la responsabilidad de intervenir ni cuestionar los estándares civilizacionales universalistas que sustentan el orden internacional. Si la acusación de etnocidio ha buscado deshacer algunas de las contenciones y cierres del discurso del genocidio, entonces la acusación de limpieza étnica ha servido para reforzarlas. El artículo concluye proponiendo el "siglo étnico" como un lente histórico-mundial para pensar sobre el orden internacional de posguerra. Internationalement considéré comme étant « le crime des crimes » que ce soit du point de vue juridique ou moral, le concept de génocide a dominé les discussions sur les conflits ethniques et la violence de masse depuis la seconde guerre mondiale. Plutôt que de se concentrer sur le génocide, cet article aborde les politiques conceptuelles négligées mais cependant éclairantes qui se sont développées dans l'ombre du génocide. Je commence par requalifier la criminalisation d'après-guerre du génocide en tant que « stratégie d'endiguement » qui a détourné l'attention des contradictions constitutives de l'ordre international, en particulier de sa longue histoire de violence raciale et coloniale. Le reste de l'article explore ensuite la manière dont cette stratégie d'endiguement a été à la fois remise en question et renforcée par l'articulation de l'ethnocide et du nettoyage ethnique en tant que catégories complémentaires. Depuis la fin des années 1960, le concept d'ethnocide a été mobilisé par le mouvement de défense des droits des autochtones pour mettre au premier plan la destruction culturelle qui a accompagné la marche en avant de la modernité et du développement. À l'inverse, le concept de nettoyage ethnique a été popularisé par de puissants membres de la communauté internationale en tant que moyen de châtier des États « déviants » particuliers sans se charger de la responsabilité d'intervenir ou de remettre en question les normes civilisationnelles universalistes qui sous-tendent l'ordre international. Si l'accusation d'ethnocide a cherché à retirer certains des endiguements et certaines des conclusions du discours sur le génocide, celle de nettoyage ethnique a servi à les renforcer. L'article conclut en proposant le « siècle ethnique » comme prisme historique mondial pour réfléchir sur l'ordre international d'après-guerre.
After Myanmar ended military rule in 2011, significant foreign investment arrived to facilitate a profitable transition to an integrated regional economy, and under the promise that foreign actors can help facilitate peaceful long-term development. However, these firms have also tacitly supported an ethnic cleansing committed by the government that most have partnered with or funded. This article builds theory on economic opening, development and conflict, using research from Myanmar to forward three arguments about business actions in fragile, at-risk countries. First, international-led regulatory reform has had little impact on endemic corruption at the micro- or meso-levels, as local elites and international businesses remain the primary beneficiaries. Second, 'development' is a contentious topic, defined locally not as broad societal growth but the unjustified picking of winners and losers in society by foreign entities. Third, business ventures are exacerbating ethnic tensions through a liberal peace-building mentality that is unresponsive to either local conflicts or local communities. The article closes by offering three ways that these findings open future research avenues on business engagement as peace-builders and development agents in developing yet fragile states.
The Knights of the Forest was an 1863 secret society that formed in Mankato, MN, during the aftermath of the U.S.-Dakota War. They took an oath to advocate for the banishment of "all Indians" from the state of Minnesota. But newspaper articles written by and about four members show that the organization was only concerned with the exile of the Ho-Chunk people, who had not participated in the U.S.-Dakota War. In the winter of 1862-1863, settlers in the Mankato region pressured the federal government for Ho-Chunk removal under the threat of extermination of the Ho-Chunk people. Their reservation had comprised the majority of prime farmland in Blue Earth County just southeast of Mankato since 1855. The Knights of the Forest sent armed men to surround the Ho-Chunk land and shoot anyone who crossed the line. Once the Ho-Chunk were forced from the county in May of 1863, the secret society ceased to exist. Hundreds of Ho-Chunk people died because of their removal from Minnesota. Conditions at Crow Creek Reservation in South Dakota were so desolate many left to Omaha or back to their Wisconsin homeland within months. Meanwhile, new settlers moved onto their former southwestern Minnesota reservation, and Blue Earth County experienced its earliest economic expansion at the expense of the Ho-Chunk Nation.
This paper focuses on popular songs that were performed on Kenya's mega historical period of 2007/2008. The country experienced socio-political conflict precipitated on the winner of the Presidential race, hence the ethnic cleansing. New Historicism arrives at a deeper insight into the context of the songs. It is interested in the reconstruction of the actual relations among people at a particular time. The presidential aspirants named in the chaos, remain historical personages in Kenya. This discussion reveals the interaction between poetics and political history. The discussed poets immersed themselves in the real historical phenomena positioning themselves as spokespersons on the upheavals. The chapter is based on song-texts selected from Gikuyu artists who engaged the audience on the events.
This dissertation examines the sources of U.S. President Bill Clinton's foreign policy, with special attention to understudied political elements of intervention. The basis of this study is the Clinton Doctrine, in which Clinton opposed ethnic cleansing, and supported democratic governance worldwide. The primary research question asks to what extent and why was there a variation in Clinton's application of his own doctrine in the specific cases of Rwanda in 1994, Haiti in 1994, and East Timor in 1999. To address this question, the following five hypotheses are posited: H1: The more vital interests are at stake, and the closer the United States is to the crisis, the more the president will push for intervention. Conversely, the more peripheral interests are at stake, and the more distant the United States is from the crisis, the less the president will push for intervention. H2: The more a U.S. ally is likely to intervene, the less the president will intervene. Conversely, the less a U.S. ally is likely to intervene, the more the president will intervene. H3: The more the United Nations is likely to call for intervention, the more the United States is likely to support it. H4: The more the U.S. Congress is likely to call for intervention, the more the president will intervene. Conversely, the more the U.S. Congress is likely to oppose intervention, the less the president will intervene. H5: The more the media opposes the president's policy, the more public opinion will engage during crisis, and the more cautious the president will be regarding intervention. Conversely, the more the media endorses the president's policy, the less public opinion will engage during crisis, and the less cautious the president will be regarding intervention. These hypotheses pertain to the five variables examined, including support for intervention from international allies, the United Nations, the U.S. Congress, U.S. public opinion and the media, and U.S. interests under the Clinton administration.
The Palestinian Authority was formed at the height of the neo-liberalism under the supremacy of a settler colonial repressive regime to dominated internally by Palestinian financial, and estate capital. The split between Fatah and Hamas heightened the vulnerability of the wide majority of Palestinians who have to face not only high rates of unemployment and poverty, but also an ongoing military repressive occupation and aggressive Jewish settlers. In the Gaza Strip Palestinians live under a suffocating siege and a ghetto situation. Both Fatah and Hamas endorsed neo-liberal policies, and both fostered a relatively large salaried middle class. The fragmentation of a weakened Left deprived Palestinians in the two territories of an alternative political vision and a strategy of struggle to that presented by the major two political parties in these areas. However, statelessness, neo-liberalism, fragmentation and settler-colonialism pose an existential threat to all Palestinians. With no political future on the horizon under continued settler colonial occupation, the situation is increasingly getting explosive as Palestinians have nothing to lose. ; L'Autorità palestinese è stata formata al culmine del neoliberalismo sotto la supremazia di un regime repressivo coloniale per dominare internamente il capitale finanziario e immobiliare palestinese. La scissione tra Fatah e Hamas ha aumentato la vulnerabilità della grande maggioranza dei palestinesi che devono affrontare non solo alti tassi di disoccupazione e povertà, ma anche un'occupazione militare repressiva in corso e coloni ebrei aggressivi. Nella Striscia di Gaza i palestinesi vivono sotto un assedio soffocante e una situazione da ghetto. Sia Fatah che Hamas hanno approvato politiche neo-liberali, ed entrambi hanno favorito una classe media salariata relativamente ampia. La frammentazione di una sinistra indebolita ha privato i palestinesi dei due territori di una visione politica alternativa e di una strategia di lotta a quella presentata dai due principali partiti politici di queste zone. Tuttavia, l'apolidia, il neoliberismo, la frammentazione e il colonialismo rappresentano una minaccia esistenziale per tutti i palestinesi. Senza alcun futuro politico all'orizzonte sotto la continua occupazione coloniale dei coloni, la situazione diventa sempre più esplosiva poiché i palestinesi non hanno nulla da perdere.
It may be surprising to discover that ethnic cleansing is legally distinct from genocide considering that the media use these terms interchangeably. Currently, no formal legal definition of ethnic cleansing exists. This Comment specifies how ethnic cleansing fits into the definition of genocide's distinctly destructive purpose and effect. I argue that because ethnic cleansing and genocide result in similar harms and derive from similar agendas, international courts ought to find perpetrators guilty of the crime of genocide when genocidal acts are committed with the intent to create an ethnically homogenous territory. A policy of ethnic cleansing is a genocidal policy. Part II of this Comment reviews the legislative history of the Genocide Convention to provide a justification for preserving the heightened legal and political status currently attributed to the crime of genocide. Part III summarizes recent international courts' interpretations of destruction as it applies to genocidal acts and genocidal intent, particularly their refusal to incorporate cultural destruction within their understanding of genocidal intent. By excluding cultural destruction from the crime of genocide, the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia (ICTY), the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda (ICTR), and the International Criminal Court (ICC) have demonstrated that they are averse to equating a policy of ethnic cleansing with the intent to destroy. Part IV argues that the aim of genocide—the intent to destroy a human group—actually parallels a policy of ethnic cleansing. Intending to expel a certain ethnic group to achieve an ethnically homogenous territory is an intention to destroy that ethnic group. Part V explains how already developed limits on genocidal intent may be used to interpret a policy of ethnic cleansing as the intent to destroy.
"August 1992." ; Shipping list no.: 92-0594-P. ; Distributed to some depository libraries in microfiche. ; At head of title: 102d Congress, 2d session. Committee print. ; Mode of access: Internet.
International audience ; This article has a twofold objective: to explain why phenomena such as ethnic cleansing have long remained outside of geographers' reflections, and to underline the impact of homogenization policies carried out by States. Since Pierre George in the 1950s, human geography and population geography have explained the distribution of peoples according to natural, economic and historical factors. This last category, however, does not seem to be operational and should be replaced by political factors that would highlight the role of States and the effect of their homogenization policies. Ethnic homogeneity appears to be the best guarantee of the legitimacy and security of nation-states. This is sought in two ways, either by developing in-politics (forced assimilation) or ex-politics (expulsion or extermination). These policies involve a gradual violence that ranges from cultural retaliation to genocide. Among the ex-politics, "cleansing" has become a mass practice, since in one century nearly 100 million individuals have had to suffer its consequences. ; Cet article répond à un double objectif : expliquer pourquoi les phénomènes du type nettoyage ethnique sont longtemps restés en dehors des réflexions des géographes, et souligner l'impact des politiques d'homogénéisation menées par les Etats. Depuis Pierre George dans les années cinquante, la géographie humaine et la géographie de la population expliquent la répartition des peuples en fonction de facteurs naturels, économiques et historiques. Cette dernière catégorie ne paraît pourtant pas opératoire et devrait être remplacé par les facteurs politiques qui mettraient en exergue le rôle des Etats et l'effet de leurs politiques d'homogénéisation. L 'homogénéité ethnique apparaît en effet comme le meilleur garant de la légitimité et de la sécurité des Etats-nations. Celle-ci est recherchée par deux façons, soit en développant des in-politics (assimilation forcée), soit des ex-politics (expulsion ou extermination). Ces politiques impliquent une ...
International audience ; This article has a twofold objective: to explain why phenomena such as ethnic cleansing have long remained outside of geographers' reflections, and to underline the impact of homogenization policies carried out by States. Since Pierre George in the 1950s, human geography and population geography have explained the distribution of peoples according to natural, economic and historical factors. This last category, however, does not seem to be operational and should be replaced by political factors that would highlight the role of States and the effect of their homogenization policies. Ethnic homogeneity appears to be the best guarantee of the legitimacy and security of nation-states. This is sought in two ways, either by developing in-politics (forced assimilation) or ex-politics (expulsion or extermination). These policies involve a gradual violence that ranges from cultural retaliation to genocide. Among the ex-politics, "cleansing" has become a mass practice, since in one century nearly 100 million individuals have had to suffer its consequences. ; Cet article répond à un double objectif : expliquer pourquoi les phénomènes du type nettoyage ethnique sont longtemps restés en dehors des réflexions des géographes, et souligner l'impact des politiques d'homogénéisation menées par les Etats. Depuis Pierre George dans les années cinquante, la géographie humaine et la géographie de la population expliquent la répartition des peuples en fonction de facteurs naturels, économiques et historiques. Cette dernière catégorie ne paraît pourtant pas opératoire et devrait être remplacé par les facteurs politiques qui mettraient en exergue le rôle des Etats et l'effet de leurs politiques d'homogénéisation. L 'homogénéité ethnique apparaît en effet comme le meilleur garant de la légitimité et de la sécurité des Etats-nations. Celle-ci est recherchée par deux façons, soit en développant des in-politics (assimilation forcée), soit des ex-politics (expulsion ou extermination). Ces politiques impliquent une ...
