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Russian fascism is a socio-political movement that today claims to be a unifying and developing force for the whole of Eurasia. It is very important that Russian fascism was developing as a Eurasianist, continental nationalist thought, not Russian nationalist ideology. If so, why Eurasianism may be regarded as a form of Russian fascism? According to Eurasianist thinkers, Russia must play a crucial role in cultural, religious, spiritual and political unifying Eurasia. Russian fascism as a political movement emerged in the 1920s among Russian emigrants. Torn away from the homeland and, therefore, from the favourable social environment, where it could have turned into an influential and organised political force, Russian fascism disappeared after the end of World War II and remained in oblivion for a long time, without arousing any interest among Russian, Eurasian and other researchers up to the early 1990s. By this time, Russian ultra-right groups and organisations that had arisen during Perestroika, began to play a significant role in the political life of Russia. The collapse of the Soviet Union, perceived by many Russians as the greatest geopolitical and national catastrophe, as well as the subsequent deep economic crisis, into which Russia plunged for a whole decade, created favourable atmosphere for the revival of Russian fascism and its possible coming to power, mainly in the form of Eurasianism. It is not surprising, therefore, that since the 1990s, the interest of foreign and domestic researchers in the right-wing and ultra-right movements in Russian history and modernity is steadily growing. In the paper, I analyse different forms of Russian fascism of the 1920-1940s, the heyday of its development. Despite the presence of many branches and variations of Russian fascism, Eurasianism turned out to be the most original, influential and effective version of Russian fascism. I explain the reasons for that. Eurasianism emerged in 1920-1921, almost simultaneously with Western fascism, but independently of it. ...

The report analyzes the importance of the memory of anti-fascism, in a country like Italy where fascism originated. The concept of long Resistance is examined, focusing on the early twenties of the twentieth century, when Mussolini rose to power, considering in particular the notable figure of Piero Gobetti and his activities as a publisher. In the short space of three years, he published 114 volumes. Among the authors there were all the major figures of the anti-fascist culture of the time, from Einaudi to Salvemini, from Amendola to Salvatorelli, from Ruffini to Monti, from Sturzo to Nitti, literary critics such as Fubini and Sapegno, novelists, poets, including Eugenio Montale, future Nobel laureate. A Committee chaired by me took the initiative to republish the entire corpus of Gobettian books, to make available to the new generations the best democratic literature of the time, as a contribution - in an era of right-wing populism and crisis of democracy in various parts of the world - to the struggle against fascism which is always taking on new forms, against the "eternal fascism" Umberto Eco spoke about. Eighty volumes have been released so far (October 2020) which - hopefully - will help to preserve the memory and to maintain an intergenerational message, foreseeing a future without oblivion. ; The report analyzes the importance of the memory of anti-fascism, in a country like Italy where fascism originated. The concept of long Resistance is examined, focusing on the early twenties of the twentieth century, when Mussolini rose to power, considering in particular the notable figure of Piero Gobetti and his activities as a publisher. In the short space of three years, he published 114 volumes. Among the authors there were all the major figures of the anti-fascist culture of the time, from Einaudi to Salvemini, from Amendola to Salvatorelli, from Ruffini to Monti, from Sturzo to Nitti, literary critics such as Fubini and Sapegno, novelists, poets, including Eugenio Montale, future Nobel laureate. A Committee chaired by me took the initiative to republish the entire corpus of Gobettian books, to make available to the new generations the best democratic literature of the time, as a contribution - in an era of right-wing populism and crisis of democracy in various parts of the world - to the struggle against fascism which is always taking on new forms, against the "eternal fascism" Umberto Eco spoke about. Eighty volumes have been released so far (October 2020) which - hopefully - will help to preserve the memory and to maintain an intergenerational message, foreseeing a future without oblivion.

The diffusion of political and social corporatism, which with the single-party are hallmarks of the institutional transfers among European dictatorships, challenges some rigid dichotomous interpretations of interwar fascism. This chapter rethinks the role of corporatism as a political device against liberal democracy and especially as a set of authoritarian institutions that spread across inter-war Europe and which was an agent for the hybridization of the institutions of fascist-era dictatorships. We argue that corporatism was at the forefront of this process of cross-national diffusion, both as a new form of organized interest representation and as an authoritarian alternative to liberal democracy.

The article addresses debates within the historiography of Italian Fascism that were engendered by R. De Felice's works. R. De Felice argued that the Fascists' rise to power was largely due to accelerated modernization of Italian society after the First World War. The author focuses on the following issues debated in historiography: the intellectuals' impact on politics; definitions of Fascism; the Fascist regime's «betrayal» of the Fascist movement's ideals; the role of violence and the "consensus" in the relations of Italian society and the Fascist regime; Fascism's role in nation-building Risorgimento, the Fascist regime's crisis and fall. The author also discusses the problems of post-fascist transit. The survey of the current historiography of Fascism allows for determining salient questions in research on Fascism and outlining new directions of study.Key words: historiography of Fascism, R. De Felice, definition of Fascism, Fascist ideology, the Fascist regime, the problem of «consensus», nation-state. ; В статье рассматриваются дискуссионные вопросы истории итальянского фашизма, прежде всего вызванные исследованиями научной школы Р. Де Феличе. В них приход фашистов к власти девять десятилетий назад связывается с ускоренными процессами модернизации итальянского общества, проходившими под влиянием Первой мировой войны. В статье анализируются историографические концепции пределов влияния интеллектуалов на политику, определения фашизма, «предательства» фашистским режимом идеалов фашистского движения, роль насилия и «консенсуса» в отношениях между обществом и режимом, роль фашизма в реализации идей Рисорджименто строительства национального государства, периодизации кризиса фашистского режима и причин его падения. В статье рассматриваются проблемы постфашистского транзита. Анализ современной историографии фашизма позволяет определить современный уровень исследований фашистского феномена и спрогнозировать новые направления исследований.

В статье рассматривается два аспекта феномена фашизма в 1930-е гг. Первый касается межгосударственных отношений, в рамках которых импульс внешнеполитической инициативы смещался от Италии к Германии на фоне растущей зависимости малых аграрных государств Центральной и балканской Европы от все более настойчивых автаркических амбиций нацистской Германии. В идеологическом аспекте подчеркивается стремление Италии и Германии усилить вмешательство в жизнь центрально-европейских государств путем слияния близких Риму и Берлину профашистских движений с другими партиями правого спектра. Такая политика редко достигала успеха и не способствовала усилению влияния автохтонных фашистских движений, в то время как традиционные консервативные элиты стремились подавить и маргинализировать фашистские движения, особенно в период до начала Второй мировой войны. Fascist phenomenon covers at least two aspects as far as international relations in the thirties are concerned. First are the inter-state relations with the slow shift of Fascist Italy from the occidental powers to Nazi Germany, as well as a growing polarization of the small agrarian countries from Eastern Europe by the autarchy politics of the second industrial world power, mainly after the remilitarization of the Rhineland in March 1936. But ideological dynamics adds a transnational convergence between far-right movements, Italy and mostly Germany trying to intervene on the inner political scenes of the Central European States in favor of the merging of the political right and thus acquiring a lever in these countries. Nevertheless, such policies were seldom successful and rarely benefitted to the main Fascist autochthonous movement, but rather to more obedient far right parties. Moreover, they had a contrary effect on the traditional conservative elites in charge with power, and the fascist defy often turned to harsh repress which marginalized them until the beginning of the war.

The article discusses the semantics of the word fascism in explanatory dictionaries and analyzes its current use. Comparing different interpretations in dictionaries, one can see how the authors avoid mentioning a particular period in which the term fascism emerged. The important semantic features of the term fascism are racism, dictatorship, and opposition to a free society. The word fascist is used to refer to: a) a supporter of a certain ideological and political doctrine that arose and was implemented in Italy and Germany in the first half of the twentieth century, characterized by racism and chauvinism, and taking the form of dictatorship; b) a follower of racist attitudes; c) the enemy, an object of hatred; d) the enemy in children's games; e) camouflage element in the oxymoronic phrase 'liberal fascism', masking the rejection of liberal values by the speaker. ; The article discusses the semantics of the word fascism in explanatory dictionaries and analyzes its current use. Comparing different interpretations in dictionaries, one can see how the authors avoid mentioning a particular period in which the term fascism emerged. The important semantic features of the term fascism are racism, dictatorship, and opposition to a free society. The word fascist is used to refer to: a) a supporter of a certain ideological and political doctrine that arose and was implemented in Italy and Germany in the first half of the twentieth century, characterized by racism and chauvinism, and taking the form of dictatorship; b) a follower of racist attitudes; c) the enemy, an object of hatred; d) the enemy in children's games; e) camouflage element in the oxymoronic phrase 'liberal fascism', masking the rejection of liberal values by the speaker.

Главная цель статьи – прояснить понятие консерватизма. В статье обсуждаются проблемы так называемого сталинского консерватизма и образа немецкого консерватизма в СССР послевоенного периода. В первой части статьи подчеркивается различие между консерватизмом как положительной ценностью и консерватизмом как сохранением политического режима. В течение всего сталинского периода мы видим изоляционизм, но не консерватизм. Режим существенно менялся, но сохранял свой закрытый характер для внешней критики и какой бы то ни было информации извне. Во второй части речь идет об имидже Германии в СССР. Советская пропаганда обвиняла Западную Германию в фашизме. В статье анализируются дефиниции фашизма в советских энциклопедиях и словарях. Фашизм рассматривался там как вид капитализма. Его националистическая природа отодвигалась на второй план. В этом контексте становилось возможным не делать различий между настоящим фашизмом и консервативной идеологией Аденауэра. ; The main aim of the article is to make clear concept of conservatism. The article discusses the problem of so-called Stalin's conservatism and image of German conservatism in the USSR in postwar period. In the first part of article the difference between conservatism as a positive value and conservatism as a preservation of political regime is emphasized. During the whole Stalin period, we see isolationism, but not conservatism. Regime changes significantly, but remained closed to external criticism and information from outside at all. The second part deals with the image of German conservatism in the USSR. Soviet propaganda accused West Germany in fascism. The article analyzes the definition of fascism in Soviet encyclopedias and dictionaries. Fascism in these sources interpreted as a kind of capitalism. Its Nazi nature sidelined by propaganda. In this context, it was possible to make no distinction between real fascism and Adenauer's conservative ideology.

Bias revision of Second World war and intentional understatement the role of Soviet Union and Red Army in the winning of fascism have resulted in mass illegal demolition of located on the territory of East Europe monument build in honor of soviet soldiers dead in the struggle with the fascism. The present article analyzes the possibilities of such monuments protection by means of Russian criminal legislation. ; Тенденциозный пересмотр итогов Второй мировой войны и сознательное занижение роли Советского Союза и Красной Армии в победе над фашизмом привели к массовому незаконному уничтожению памятников павших в боях с фашизмом советским воинам, расположенных на территориях ряда государств Восточной Европы. В настоящей статье анализируются возможности защиты таких памятников средствами российского уголовного закона.