Suchergebnisse

Resumen: No se me ocurre una España sin fascistas. El fascismo en España es un "fundamental". Para la Economía "the fundamentals" son factores no ocasionales, duraderos; permiten calcular, incluso predecir, regularizando el azar, ciertas variables precisas. Se podría decir por analogía que en España el fascismo dispone de sus "fundamentals", pues el latifundio (el tradicional y el nuevo) y el oligopolio le son consustanciales a esta sociedad del privilegio y el autoritarismo frente a la ignorancia y la pobreza; en cuanto a la clase media, se da por contenta con no caer en el abismo de la precariedad.Palabras clave: Fascismo; oligopolio; ignorancia; política. Abstract: I can not think of a Spain without fascists. Fascism in Spain is a "fundamental". For the Economy "the fundamentals" are non-occasional, lasting factors; they allow to calculate, even to predict, regulating randomness, certain precise variables. One could say by analogy that in Spain fascism has its "fundamentals", because latifundia (the traditional and the new) and oligopoly are consubstantial to this society of privilege and authoritarianism in the face of ignorance and poverty; As for the middle class, she is happy not to fall into the abyss of precariousness.Keywords: Fascism; oligopoly; ignorance; politics.

El objetivo del presente artículo es interpretar desde la obra de Karl Polanyi las alternativas políticas, económicas y sociales de la sociedad moderna ante la crisis del capitalismo contemporáneo. En primer lugar, precisaremos la problemática del artículo y la posición interpretativa desde la que la abordaremos. En segundo lugar, evaluaremos la vigencia de su crítica de la utopía liberal del mercado autorregulado a la luz de las transformaciones provocadas por el modelo neoliberal. En tercer lugar, examinaremos las distintas alternativas a las que se enfrenta la sociedad ante la incompatibilidad que muestran la economía de mercado autorregulado y las instituciones democráticas. Para finalizar, expondremos la trascendencia teórica y práctica que el pensamiento de Polanyi puede tener en la resolución de esta importante problemática para el futuro de la humanidad en el siglo XXI. ; The objective of this article is to interpret from the work of Karl Polanyi the political, economic and social alternatives of modern society in the face of the crisis of contemporary capitalism. Firstly, we will specify the problem of the article and the interpretive position from which we will approach it. Secondly, we will evaluate the validity of his critique of the liberal utopia of the self-regulating market in the light of neoliberal model. Thirdly, we will examine the different alternatives that society faces in the presence of the incompatibility shown by the self-regulating market economy and democratic institutions. Finally, we will expose the theoretical and practical significance that Polanyi's thought can have in solving this important problem for the future of humanity in the 21st century.

La conversación Matteo Albanese gira en torno a la definición y la evolución de la extrema derecha europea desde el final de la Segunda Guerra Mundial, el análisis de sus características principales y su papel en las sociedades democráticas. Una de las primeras cuestiones que se tratan al analizar las nuevas extremas derechas es la conceptualización del fascismo, las implicaciones y dificultades de este concepto para la sociedad civil y para los especialistas académicos. Albanese considera que, desde el punto de vista del rigor historiográfico, el fascismo es un movimiento social y político que termina con la 2GM, pero que sin embargo hay elementos de su ideario, discurso y práctica política que han ideo permeando en distintos movimiento y partidos políticos presentes en el juego democrático. De esta forma, después de abordar otros temas, como la categorización del populismo o de la polarización política y social contemporánea, Albanesse explicará que el peligro de las nuevas extremas derechas no está en que pretendan acabar con el sistema democrático para imponer un nuevo orden, como pretendía el fascismo pretérito, sino en cómo desde dentro del sistema, están amoldando la democracia y el juego político para la imposición de sus debates, posturas ideológica y creencias. ; The Matteo Albanese conversation revolves around the definition and evolution of the European far right since the end of the Second World War, the analysis of its main characteristics and its role in democratic societies. One of the first issues addressed in analysing the new extreme right is the conceptualisation of fascism, the implications and difficulties of this concept for civil society and for academic specialists. Albanese considers that, from the point of view of historiographical rigour, fascism is a social and political movement that ended with World War II, but that there are nevertheless elements of its ideology, discourse and political practice that have permeated different movements and political parties present in the democratic game. In this way, after addressing other issues, such as the categorisation of populism or contemporary political and social polarisation, Albanesse will explain that the danger of the new extreme right is not that they are trying to do away with the democratic system in order to impose a new order, as was the intention of fascism in the past, but rather how, from within the system, they are moulding democracy and the political game in order to impose their debates, ideological positions and beliefs.

En el libro Bolívar y Gandhi: Paradigmas libertarios, me ocupé de tres movimientos en India: (1) el liderado por Gandhi —el Partido del Congreso— que tras su muerte, Jawaharlal Nehru reorientó; (2) el de la extrema derecha fascista y casteísta, que ha comprendido varios movimientos y tiene como su partido político el Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), actualmente en el poder, y (3) el movimiento de los que el brahmanismo había designado como "intocables", el cual adoptó el budismo como estandarte y promueve un ideal socialista basado en principios budistas más que marxista-leninistas. En este trabajo se ahondará en los movimientos fascistas y sus raíces y aliados, en cuanto enemigos de los dalits y de la diversidad. ; In the book Bolívar y Gandhi: Paradigmas libertarios, I dealt with three Indian movements: (1) the Congress Party that Gandhi led, which after Gandhi's death Jawaharlal Nehru redefi ned; (2) that of the fascist, casteistic extreme right, including various movements and having as its political party the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), currently in power, and (3) the movement of those that Brahmanism labelled as "untouchables", which adopted Buddhism as its banner and propounded a socialist ideal based on Buddhist rather than Marxist-Leninist principles. Th is paper goes deeper into the fascist movements and its roots and allies, as enemies of the dalits and of diversity. ; 51-64 ; eliascapriles@gmail.com ; Semestral

Fascism, seen under the ligth of history and critical analysis, is a contemporary issue in the extent that the conditions that made possible its rise after the World War I are currently present. A better comprehension of those conditions must make it possible to understand the risks that the world is facing in the beginning of 21st century and to avoid the return of facism to the ground of effective politics. This essay aims to a theoretical and analytic effort in this direction. This is also a warning that the barbarism of fascism can return, destroying the hopes of our times.Revista de Ciencias Sociales y Humanidades No. 114, 2007: 595-619 ; El fascismo, visto a la luz de la historia vuelve a ser tema de actualidad en la medida que están presentes nuevamente, como en el período europeo de entreguerras, condiciones y tendencias que en aquel entonces hicieron posible su surgimiento. Una mejor comprensión de las mismas debería permitir, no solo toma de conciencia de los riesgos que el mundo enfrenta a inicios del siglo XXI, sino preparar las acciones y medidas que permitan prevenir su retorno al plano de la política efectiva. Aquí se emprende un esfuerzo teórico y analítico en esa dirección, al mismo tiempo que el artículo busca constituirse asimismo en un llamado de alerta frente al peligro de que la barbarie del fascismo pudiera retornar, con su cargamento de fascinación y horror, destrozando las esperanzas de nuestra época.Revista de Ciencias Sociales y Humanidades No. 114, 2007: 595-619

The FUCI was the official organisation for the laity of Italian Catholic Action for the university sector and exists until the present day.1 As such, it was an important element of the lay Catholic world within Fascist Italy, as well as having a wider presence within Italian society. Thus, the study of the FUCI provides a means of studying the dynamics of Catholicism within Fascist Italy. At the same time, however, the FUCI has a wider significance for the study of Catholic politics and intellectual ideas within Italy, as a remarkably large proportion of the future Christian Democrats who would rule the destinies of the country after the Second World War received much of their intellectual training in the ranks of the federation.2 Additionally, in the 1925-33 period, the central ecclesiastical assistant of the organisation was Giovanni Battista Montini, the future pope Paul VI.

En el contexto de una casi total discordancia de planteamientosy de una falta de definición unitaria o coherente, se busca precisar el término "fascismo". A partir de su papel económico-político, del lugar que el racismo y el nacionalismo ocupan en él, así como del carácter conservador y de clausura social que propone, se pretende lograr una caracterización de este fenómeno político. Sin pretensiones de elaborar una defin- ición enciclopédica, se establecen unas coordenadas analíticas que permitan situar este problema en la articulación teórica de elementos que se encontraban dispersos. ; In view of the almost total disagreement among positions and the lack of a unified or coherent definition, the article attempts to specify what is meant by "fascism". It seeks to characterize this political phenomenon on the basis of its economic-polit- ical role, the place it assigns to racism and nationalism, and its conservative nature leading to a closed society. While the article does not aim at arriving at an encyclo- pedic definition, it does establish some analytical guidelines that make it possible to situate the issue through a theoretical articulation of formerly scattered elements.

Después de la Primera Guerra Mundial se produjeron una crisis socioeconómica y política, destacando la caída del sistema liberal democrático y el surgimiento de una nueva forma de dictadura, el fascismo. En este artículo se realiza una revisión crítica de las aportaciones de los investigadores sociales al análisis de las condiciones sociales y al comportamiento de los actores que favorecieron el ascenso del fascismo, a través de una metodología de Historia Comparada. Con ello, se pretende responder a interrogantes como la definición y caracterización del fascismo, así como comprender el apoyo sociológico que consiguió aglutinar en los países que triunfó y determinar su fracaso en otros. La actualidad del tema se refleja mediante la comparación con la crisis que atraviesa Europa desde 2008. Entre las conclusiones destaca que el fascismo germinó entre un espectro social interclasista desesperado ante la situación de crisis. Si bien, sólo logró movilizarse y triunfar en aquellos Estados en los que fracasaron las alianzas democráticas. ; After World War I there was a socioeconomic and political crisis, highlighting the fall of the liberal democratic system and the emergence of a new form of dictatorship, fascism. In this article, a critical review of the contributions of social researchers to the analysis of social conditions and the behavior of the actors which stimulated the rise of fascism, through a methodology of Comparative History. The aim is to answer questions such as the definition and characterization of fascism, as well as to understand the sociological support that managed to win in the countries that was succeeded and determine their failure in others. The validity os the topic is reflected in the comparison with the current European crisis since 2008. Among the conclusions emphasise that fascism germinated between a desperate inter-class social spectrum in the face of crisis. However, it only managed to mobilise and succeed in those states in which democratic alliances have failed.

[EN] An approximation appears to the interpretations of fascism of Ortega y Gasset and María Zambrano, as divergent as his respective conceptions of liberalism and, definitively, politics. In the case of Ortega, fascism would be a concretion of the revolt of the masses, aggressive towards the culture and the liberal institutions. In the case of Zambrano, it would identify with the nihilism and the regression to the myth, as conclusion of a process established in the heart of the Modernity and even the western reason. Both interpretations are discerned in the complex horizon of the relations of continuity and break-up, kind of knowledge shared by teachers and disciples. ; [ES] Se plantea una aproximación a las interpretaciones del fascismo de Ortega y Gasset y María Zambrano, tan divergentes como sus respectivas concepciones del liberalismo y, en definitiva, la racionalidad política. En el caso de Ortega, el fascismo sería una concreción de la rebelión de las masas, agresiva hacia la cultura y las instituciones liberales. En el caso de Zambrano, se identificaría con el nihilismo y la regresión al mito, en tanto que desenlace de un proceso arraigado en el corazón de la Modernidad e incluso el logos occidental. Ambas interpretaciones se distinguen además sobre el complejo trasfondo de las relaciones de continuidad y al mismo tiempo ruptura, propias del saber compartido por maestros y discípulos ; Peer Reviewed

An approximation appears to the interpretations of fascism of Ortega y Gasset and María Zambrano, as divergent as his respective conceptions of liberalism and, definitively, politics. In the case of Ortega, fascism would be a concretion of the revolt of the masses, aggressive towards the culture and the liberal institutions. In the case of Zambrano, it would identify with the nihilism and the regression to the myth, as conclusion of a process established in the heart of the Modernity and even the western reason. Both interpretations are discerned in the complex horizon of the relations of continuity and break-up, kind of knowledge shared by teachers and disciples ; Se plantea una aproximación a las interpretaciones del fascismo de Ortega y Gasset y María Zambrano, tan divergentes como sus respectivas concepciones del liberalismo y, en definitiva, la racionalidad política. En el caso de Ortega, el fascismo sería una concreción de la rebelión de las masas, agresiva hacia la cultura y las instituciones liberales. En el caso de Zambrano, se identificaría con el nihilismo y la regresión al mito, en tanto que desenlace de un proceso arraigado en el corazón de la Modernidad e incluso el logos occidental. Ambas interpretaciones se distinguen además sobre el complejo trasfondo de las relaciones de continuidad y al mismo tiempo ruptura, propias del saber compartido por maestros y discípulos

[ES] Approximate interpretations of the fascism of Ortega and Gasset and María Zambrano, as diverging as their respective conceptions of liberalism and, ultimately, political rationality. In the case of Ortega, fascism would be a concrete expression of the rebellion of the masses, aggressive towards culture and liberal institutions. In the case of Zambrano, it would identify itself with nihilism and regression to myth, as a result of a process rooted in the heart of modern and even western logos. The two interpretations also differ from the complex backdrop of continuity and at the same time breaking down knowledge shared by teachers and discipules. ; Peer Reviewed ; [ES] Approximate interpretations of the fascism of Ortega and Gasset and María Zambrano, as diverging as their respective conceptions of liberalism and, ultimately, political rationality. In the case of Ortega, fascism would be a concrete expression of the rebellion of the masses, aggressive towards culture and liberal institutions. In the case of Zambrano, it would identify itself with nihilism and regression to myth, as a result of a process rooted in the heart of modern and even western logos. The two interpretations also differ from the complex backdrop of continuity and at the same time breaking down knowledge shared by teachers and discipules. ; [EN] An approximation appears to the interpretations of fascism of Ortega y Gasset and María Zambrano, as divergent as his respective conceptions of liberalism and, definitively, politics. In the case of Ortega, fascism would be a concretion of the revolt of the masses, aggressive towards the culture and the liberal institutions. In the case of Zambrano, it would identify with the nihilism and the regression to the myth, as conclusion of a process established in the heart of the Modernity and even the western reason. Both interpretations are discerned in the complex horizon of the relations of continuity and break-up, kind of knowledge shared by teachers and disciples. ; [ES] Approximate ...

Enmarcado en los desarrollos recientes de la teoría política contemporánea sobre la categoría de populismo, el presente trabajo es un intento de problematizar sobre dicha categoría y sus posibilidades de extenderla al análisis de fenómenos, que no han sido identificados como tales. En tal sentido, se presenta una serie de apuntes sobre la conformación del espacio político antiperonista. ; Framed within recent developments in contemporary political theory on the category of populism, this paper is an attempt to problematize on that category and their ability to extend the analysis of phenomena that have not been identified as such. In that sense, this work presents a series of notes on the formation of the anti-Peronist political space.

This paper examines the relevance and usefulness of the concept "political religion", especially applied to the study of fascist totalitarian regimes and movements. Examining the history and evolution of the concept in the academy, it discusses its current use by researchers specialized in the field, and offers some reflections on the presence of religious elements in fascist regimes, the Italian particularly, and the relation between the totalitarian fascist project and the Catholic Church. ; Este ensayo analiza la pertinencia y utilidad del concepto de "religión política", aplicado especialmente al estudio de los regímenes y movimientos totalitarios fascistas. Examinando la historia y evolución del concepto en el ámbito académico, aborda su uso actual por parte de los investigadores especialistas del tema y propone algunas reflexiones sobre la presencia de elementos religiosos en los regímenes fascistas, en especial el italiano, y la relación entre el proyecto totalitario fascista y la Iglesia católica. Fascism and sacredness: Notes on the concept of "religion politics" Abstract This paper examines the relevance and usefulness of the concept "political religion", especially applied to the study of fascist totalitarian regimes and movements. Examining the history and evolution of the concept in the academy, it discusses its current use by researchers specialized in the field, and offers some reflections on the presence of religious elements in fascist regimes, the Italian particularly, and the relation between the totalitarian fascist project and the Catholic Church. Keywords: Fascism, Political Religion, Religiosity, Religion, Sacrality.

This article carries out a comparative study of the Italian cinematographic information related to the women's sport disseminated in two historical periods: during fascism and in the first decade of democracy in Italy in the 1950s. The type of sports typically associated to women, as well as gender stereotypes featured in the most widespread newsreels kept in the Archivo Foto- Cinematografico Luce (Roma) during both periods are analyzed and compared. Through this study, it is possible to reveal the ideas that society had at that time on women's participation in the field of sports. In addition, it allows to establish the evolution in the conception and social acceptance of women's sport. ; Este artículo lleva a cabo un estudio comparativo de la información cinematográfica italiana relacionada con el deporte femenino difundida en dos periodos históricos: durante el fascismo y en la primera década de democracia en Italia en los años 1950. Se analizan y comparan los tipos de deporte con los que se relaciona a la mujer y los estereotipos femeninos y masculinos más difundidos por los noticiarios en ambos periodos que se encuentran en el Archivo Foto-Cinematográfico Luce (Roma). A través de este estudio se revelan las ideas que la sociedad de entonces tenía sobre la participación femenina en el campo del deporte. Además, permite establecer la evolución en la concepción y aceptación social del deporte femenino.