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Reanalyzing political biographies of Benito Mussolini & Osvald Mosley the author is testing the hypothesis that ideologies like fascism start with fairly innocent ideas and, given the right circumstances, develop in a quasi-logical way on a downward path towards their malignant maturity. With "quasi-logical" the author means something similar to Karl R. Popper's concept "logic of the situation," that is, the logic is neither formal nor strictly deterministic; it follows that actors are not exempt from moral responsibility, you can always choose to act against the logic of the situation. The author finds that an exalted "communitarianism" is an essential factor in the development of fascism. A part of the "logic" is that a demagogue elevating the value of the group, be it "nation," "church," "class," or anything, on the expense of the individual needs the picture of all ugly & evil enemy in order to get the members to obliterate themselves & merge into the group. Accordingly, in a classification of political ideologies the first question to be asked is: "individualism or anti-individualism." The author objects to Sheri Berman's suggestion that communitarianism explains the success of the Swedish Social Democracy during the twentieth century & will instead of that explanation propose "reformism," that is, a non-revolutionary strategy for political transformation. Adapted from the source document.

At the turn of the century agrarian parties emerged in large parts of Europe. The parties had one thing in common: they stood up for the social, economic, cultural, and political interests of the agrarian society. The Swedish agrarian parties - 1 Bondeförbundet ' and 'Jordbrukarnas Riksförbund1 - were formed between 1913 and 1915.In this study the agrarian parties are not considered to be class parties. Instead, they are described as traditional parties, defending the old agrarian community against expansive industrialization. Their potential voters belonged to various social strata in the agrarian community, and their political programme, often characterized by a markedly negative view of modern society and by cultural protectionism, is summarized here under the term agrarianism. Agrarianism seen as a political theory and an applicable ideology had features in common with Conservatism as well as with Fascism and Socialism. Liberal values, however, were kept in the background.A modernization perspective is adopted in order to demonstrate that the agrarian parties were in fact traditional parties. It is assumed that regional variation in the electoral support of the agrarian parties reflects the modernization process, and, consequently, that the parties were weaker in industrial areas and stronger in socially and economically backward areas.The empirical studies show that the Agrarian parties stand out as traditional parties rather than class parties. Their voter support was stronger in areas where the historical and economic development was characterized by stagnation and conservatism, as well as in areas where social mobilization advanced slowly. In more industrialized and modernized areas conditions were quite the opposite. A study of Swedish interwar agrarianism with special regard to regional variations in party strength proves the agrarian parties to be the inheritors of a way of life formed by centuries of agrarian traditions. ; digitalisering@umu

Islam och islamism är inte samma sak. Alla muslimer är inte islamister och alla islamister är inte jihadister. Men alla jihadister är islamister i någon utsträckning och alla islamister är muslimer. Islamismen är en religiös form av fascism. Den största islamistiska rörelsen är den globala nätverksorganisationen Muslimska brödraskapet. Trots att den bara stöds av en liten minoritet av världens muslimer har Muslimska brödraskapet genom sin goda organisationsförmåga lyckats måla upp en bild av att man företräder alla muslimer. Men sanningen är en annan, Muslimska brödraskapet stöds endast av cirka sju procent av svenska muslimer. Trots detta har de tillåtits att representera alla Sveriges muslimer i olika sammanhang. Muslimska brödraskapet är sedan 1950-talet etablerat i Europa, och är en politisk kraft som påverkar lagstiftning och utrikespolitik genom att agera genom ombud i den offentliga förvaltningen och i de politiska partierna. Muslimska brödraskapet är inte en organisation som andra - syftet är att verka genom ett nätverk som förenas i sin strävan att upprätta ett globalt kalifat. Vägen dit går genom att skapa enklaver i det svenska samhället och särlagstiftning. I juridisk mening är det inte klandervärt att agera genom utomparlamentariska metoder som Brödraskapet gör. Timbro gör det. LO Sverige gör det. Svenska Kyrkan gör det. Alla gör det för att gynna sina egna intressen. Det som till vardags kallas för lobbyism. Islamismen i Sverige handlar INTE om islam. Boken handlar om islamismen - en religiös fascistisk ideologi som är etablerad i Sverige. Islamismen i Sverige är en kartläggning av hur Muslimska brödraskapet är uppbyggt. Här finns tidigare unikt opublicerat material om hur Brödraskapets strategi ser ut, hur den tillämpas i den organisatoriska uppbyggnaden och hur Muslimska brödraskapet agerar genom sitt nätverk, sina organisationer och ombud. I huvudsak är boken baserad på Muslimska brödraskapets eget material

The important role played by the army in the pol'al life of Latin America is revealed by the history of these nations. To begin with, the military conquistadors were quickly replaced by a civil bureaucracy which was under the complete control of the Spanish crown. The financiers were constantly seeking to sell military titles while the need for a defense against Indians & pirates called for the creation of a militia. The wars of liberation brought the generals to the fore, though Spanish customs had already given the military the benefits of a privileged class. These soldiers now found that they had no outlet for their military prowess because South America was far removed from the area of major conflicts. The generals entered into an alliance with the large landowners to form a pol'al system resembling the Spanish one, a type of caudillism, that is to say a dictatorship depending upon the army. Toward the end of the 19th cent, modifications in the recruitment of soldiers & in the formation of officer corps tended to do away with the influence of the military on pol'al life. It was the crisis that followed WW1 that brought back the influence of the military, but this time in a diff fashion. The officer corps had become much less conservative & had been seriously affected by doctrines inspired by Fascism & Communism. The army also tended to intervene indirectly to support particular pol'al views by allowing the leaders who had the army's support to maintain order. In several states, then, the police, frequently organized with the help of the US, began to play a role formerly held by the army. The Gov's therefore began to depend for their existence on an equilibrium between the army, police, & militia. Frequently, also, the various armed forces were at odds, with the navy & the Air Force generally being more liberal than the Army. Military careers appeared to be instruments of soc promotion & made it possible, in nations where marked diff's in class existed, for individuals to achieve a fair degree of success. Tr by J. A. Broussard from IPSA.