Suchergebnisse

U suvremenom zapadnom društvu terorizam je postao kulturalni simbol straha te je samim time postao referentni okvir za evaluaciju bilo kakvih drugih oblika ugroze ljudskoj sigurnosti. Pokušaji donošenja univerzalne definicije terorizma nikada nisu rezultirali uspjehom, a razlog tomu je njegova situacijska i pejorativna priroda te preklapanje s drugim formama političkog nasilja (gerilsko ratovanje, pobune i slično). Na tom tragu, prikazivanje određenih fenomena i događaja kao terorističkih može biti stvar subjektivne konstrukcije značenja tog pojma. Stoga je u ovom radu, uz metodu kritičke analize diskursa protuterorističkih strategija Europske unije i Sjedinjenih Američkih Država, prikazano kako se konstruira strah od terorizma u kolektivnoj svijesti zapadnog društva, te su komparativnom analizom utvrđene sličnosti i razlike u provođenju politike straha od strane zapadnih političkih elita. Rezultati analiza ukazuju kako se prikaz prijetnje koju terorizam predstavlja zapadnom svijetu ne temelji na činjenicama, nego na zamišljanju najgorih mogućih ishodišnih scenarija terorističkih napada. ; Terrorism has become a cultural symbol of fear in contemporary Western society and therefore a frame of reference for evaluation of any other type of threat to human security. Attempts to universally define terrorism have never been succesful because of its situational and pejorative nature and overlap with other forms of political violence (guerilla warfare, insurgency etc.). Consequently, representation of certain phenomena and events as terrorist can be a matter of subjective construction. Therefore, by applying method of critical discourse analysis to counterterrorism strategies of the European Union and the United States of America, it is shown how the fear of terrorism in collective consciousness of Western society is constructed. In addition, comparative analysis method shows similarities and differences in conduction of politics of fear by western political elites. Results of analysis indicate that the representation of terrorist threat to Western society is based not on facts but on imagining worst-case scenarios of terrorist attack.

In the wake of 11 September 2001 not only the scope & the goals of terrorism drastically expanded but also the circle of social groups & institutions it encroaches upon. The essence of the "classical" terrorism is aptly summarized by the old Chinese adage: "kill one, scare hundreds." The attack on the WTC altered these numbers not only for that attack but also for most terrorist attacks all over the world, so this aphorism might now run: "kill thousands, scare billions." If the classical terrorism was a sort of a "trio" whose participants were "terrorists & their victims & power." contemporary terrorism increasingly takes the font of a "quartet": "terrorists & their victims & power & mass media.". References. Adapted from the source document.

The author analyzes the classical postulate of Hobbes' political theory, starting from the negation of man's social character, with which Hobbes broke from the Aristotelian tradition. The author also shows through Hobbes' theory that the category of fear is a crucial notion in modern political science. During the later development of political thought, however, the category of fear remained outside the main scope of interest of political theory, it was pushed on the margins of theoretical study & was thrown out of the field of politics. The author stresses that power, & the desire for it is Hobbes' political constant, seeing the thesis on power as one Hobbes' most significant politico-sociological or even anthropological theses. It could also be said that in Hobbes' model, fear produces power, namely, that power, to use the contemporary language of psychoanalysis, is a compensation for fear & insecurity. The author also shows that Hobbes built his entire political theory on conclusions which he drew from the analysis of an extreme situation, the situation of civil war, i.e. war of all against all. His doctrine of the natural state is based one the experience of civil war. People want the same things, of which there is not enough to go around, & so they become enemies. The author draws the conclusion that the superior sovereignty of Leviathan came about in the following categorical way: instinct for self-preservation -- fear of violent death -- distrust -- a conflict of all against all -- social contract -- sovereign power of the state of Leviathan. References. Adapted from the source document.

Almost seventy years ago German philosophers Max Horkheimer and Theodor Adorno predicted the immense influence of capitalism and commercialization on media systems and media content. Today commodification and the hunger for fun, spectacle, shock and emotions have become an intrinsic part of media offer and consumption. The central place belongs to television and the transformation of the news industry into packages of high-emotional stories, very often in sequels. Spectacle, strong emotional bond and empathetic members of audience are important elements of what media expert Brian A. Monahan calls public drama - a new hybrid form of television news. The American mainstream media transformed the terrorist attack on the USA on the 11th of September 2001 into '9/11' - a series of dramatic and emotional stories which imposed certain frames of understanding of what happened - and which were built into the cultural memory. In the first few hours after the attack the core of the 9/11 narrative was born: moral shock, a strong emotional bond with the victims of the attacks, transformation of rescuers into heroes, a feeling of love and togetherness among Americans, along with worldwide compassion. Emphasis was put on emotions, fear and a sort of spectacle of crisis, with little discussion about responsibility and critical evaluation of the reasons behind the attacks. Focus on human tragedies, fear and panic are immersed in a wider story about terrorist attacks which is a big threat to America. The power of television and its pictures to form and impose frames of understanding events is huge, along with the long-term consequences this can have on the audience, but politics as well. Adapted from the source document.

The author outlines different understandings of homophobia, from the original meaning of an irrational fear homosexuals & homosexuality. to a more recent one in which it is equated with racism & antisemitism. Kurelie argues that the term is vague & politically counterproductive. By analyzing the debate on The Law on Registered Partnership in the Croatian parliament (Sabor), the author shows why, in his opinion, the Croatian parliament cannot be labeled homophobic, & why the concept of homophobia should be used only for serious manifestations of this phobia. The author suggests that a distinction should be made between homophobia & heterosexism & that the concept of antihomosexualism should be introduced. References. Adapted from the source document.

Almost seventy years ago German philosophers Max Horkheimer and Theodor Adorno predicted the immense influence of capitalism and commercialization on media systems and media content. Today commodification and the hunger for fun, spectacle, shock and emotions have become an intrinsic part of media offer and consumption. The central place belongs to television and the transformation of the news industry into packages of high-emotional stories, very often in sequels. Spectacle, strong emotional bond and empathetic members of audience are important elements of what media expert Brian A. Monahan calls public drama - a new hybrid form of television news. The American mainstream media transformed the terrorist attack on the USA on the 11th of September 2001 into '9/11' - a series of dramatic and emotional stories which imposed certain frames of understanding of what happened - and which were built into the cultural memory. In the first few hours after the attack the core of the 9/11 narrative was born: moral shock, a strong emotional bond with the victims of the attacks, transformation of rescuers into heroes, a feeling of love and togetherness among Americans, along with worldwide compassion. Emphasis was put on emotions, fear and a sort of spectacle of crisis, with little discussion about responsibility and critical evaluation of the reasons behind the attacks. Focus on human tragedies, fear and panic are immersed in a wider story about terrorist attacks which is a big threat to America. The power of television and its pictures to form and impose frames of understanding events is huge, along with the long-term consequences this can have on the audience, but politics as well. Adapted from the source document.

Critical reception welcomed Lidija Dimkovskaʾs novel A Spare Life (2012) as an allegory of political and social events in ex-Yugoslavia in the last decades of the twentieth century. The essay sets aside the allegorical perspective of the novel and focuses on the analysis of the state of exile as a key point of identification of the novel's main character, conjoined twin Zlata. The analysis is based on the concepts of desire, otherness and fear of the unknown through which main characters (mostly women) of the novel are represented, as well as on manners of their internalization of socially promoted standards and stereotypes from the perspective of Julia Kristeva's theory of oneself as a stranger.

S ciljem procjene adaptacijskih sposobnosti hrvatskih izbjeglica iz Baranje u Republici Mađarskoj, autori ovog rada psihijatrijskim su intervjuom po specifično pripremljenom upitniku za ovo istraživanje procjenjivali duševno stanje 100 izbjeglica u dobi od 10 do 82 godine. Prosječna starost izbjeglica bila je 38 godina. Procjenjivanje psihičkog stanja izbjeglica učinjeno je 6 tjedana nakon njihova dolaska u logor (socijalnu ustanovu) u jednom malom mjestu (Maria Gyud) u Mađarskoj. Autori nalaze da su izbjeglice napustile svoj dom i svoju Domovinu pred zatrašujućim neprijateljima, domaćim Srbima, koje identificiraju kao teroriste i pred srpskom vlasti potpomognutom Jugoslavenskom narodnom armijom. Napuštanje svojih domova i Domovine bilo je iznenadno, ali ipak svojom voljom. Odlazak je bio praćen strahom, tjeskobom, nevjericom, očajem, ljutnjom i rijetkim paničnim ponašanjem. Na prvom je mjestu bio strah za djecu, pa strah od mučenja i sakaćenja od strane terorista, dok su strahovi blažeg intenziteta bili za vlastiti život, rodbinu i imovinu. Dominantno osjećanje za vrijeme razgovora s izbjeglicama bilo je čežnja za domom i Domovinom i briga za budućnost. Ovo osjećanje je domininantno u 61% ispitanika. Emocionalne i psihosomatske smetnje je imalo 42% ispitanika, a grupiraju se oko Bardovog »neurasteničnog sindroma«. Samo 5% izbjeglica je zatražilo konkretnu psihijatrijsku pomoć, i to onih koji su i prije izbjeglištva imali psihičkih problema. Autori zaključuju da i nakon 6 tjedana boravka hrvatske izbjeglice iz Baranje u Republiku Mađarsku imaju adaptacijskih problema, a koji se manifestiraju emocionalnim i psihosomatskim reakcijama, pa preporučuju sistematsku domovinsku stručnu i laičku psihološku pomoć i podršku. ; Psychological state of a group of 100 refugees aged 10-82 yrs (mean, 38 yrs) was assessed by a psychiatric interview vising a questionnaire designed especially for this study. The aim of the study was to evaluate the adaptative capacities of Croatian refugees from Baranya temporarily accommodated in the Republic of Hungary. The interview was conducted 6 weeks after their arrival in the camp (a social care institution) in Maria Gyud, a small town in Hungary. The refugees were found to have fled their homes and Homeland in fear from cruel enemies, i.e. local Serbs whom they identified as terorists, and the Serbian governmental authorities backed up by the Yugoslav Federal Army. The refugees had to leave their homes and Homeland suddenly, but still of their own free will. The departure from home was accompanied by fear, anxiety, disbelief, despair, anger, and panic. First of all, they feared for their children, which was followed by fear from torture and mutilation by terrorists, whereas fears for their own life, relatives and properties were less pronounced. During the interview, homesickness and concern about the future pre dominated in 61% of subjects. Emotional and psychic disturbances, clustered around Beard's »neurasthenic syndrome«, were recorded in 42% of subjects. Actual psychiatric aid was sought by 5% of the refugees, mostly by those who had had some psyhic problems before this forcible displacement. The Croatian refugees from Baranya were found to experience adaptive problems manifesting as emotional and psychosomatic reactions, even after 6 weeks of their stay in Hungary. Provision of a systematic profesional and lay psychologic assistance and support from their Homeland is advised.

The author argues that cosmopolitism has become a sign that we need a new -- cosmopolitan view to understand the cosmopolitan world. He, thus, welcomes cosmopolitanism in the social sciences and demands that they dispense with the old categories build around the nation state. According to the author, it is especially important to think Europe in a cosmopolitan way so that the member states could be freed from the fear that with the enlargement of Europe they are committing a cultural suicide. The further integration should not be oriented towards the inherited vision of a unity of one European 'federal state', but the starting point should be the irreducible many sidedness of Europe. Only in this way, claims the author, is it possible to connect two, at a first glance, contradictory demands -- the recognition of difference and the integration of the different. Adapted from the source document.

The author argues that cosmopolitism has become a sign that we need a new -- cosmopolitan view to understand the cosmopolitan world. He, thus, welcomes cosmopolitanism in the social sciences and demands that they dispense with the old categories build around the nation state. According to the author, it is especially important to think Europe in a cosmopolitan way so that the member states could be freed from the fear that with the enlargement of Europe they are committing a cultural suicide. The further integration should not be oriented towards the inherited vision of a unity of one European 'federal state', but the starting point should be the irreducible many sidedness of Europe. Only in this way, claims the author, is it possible to connect two, at a first glance, contradictory demands -- the recognition of difference and the integration of the different. Adapted from the source document.

Koncept ljudske sigurnosti prvi put je istaknut u izvješću UNDP-a (United Nations Development Programme: Razvojni program Ujedinjenih naroda) 1994. i bazira se na slobodi od oskudice (freedom from want) i slobodi od straha (freedom from fear). Na Svjetskom samitu o hrani (World Food Summit) 1996. sigurnost hrane je definirana na način koji naglašava dostupnost hrane, pristup hrani te korištenje i stabilnost kao ključne dimenzije sigurnosti hrane. Iako najčešće nije jedini uzrok sukoba, nesigurnost hrane predstavlja sigurnosnu prijetnju jer služi kao pokretač nasilnog djelovanja. Glad i nesigurnost hrane povećavaju vjerojatnost da će doći do prosvjeda i nereda što potiče nesigurnost među stanovništvom i ostavlja dugotrajne posljedice na cjelokupan razvoj zajednice. S druge strane, sukobi uzrokuju degradaciju okoliša, raspad ekonomije i prisilno raseljavanje stanovništva što u konačnici uzrokuje glad i, naposljetku, bolest i smrt. U posljednjem desetljeću mnoge zemlje ulažu napore u provođenje zakona i strategija usmjerenih na rješavanje problema gladi. Nastoji se potaknuti i društvene skupine da aktivno sudjeluju kako bi uz pomoć međunarodne zajednice unaprijedili sigurnost hrane i osigurali pozitivne transformacije. ; The concept of human security was first highlighted in the UNDP report of 1994 and is based on two freedoms; freedom from want and freedom from fear. The widely accepted World Food Summit definition from 1996 emphasizes the importance of food availability, food access, food use and stability of food as key dimensions of food security. Although usually not the only cause of conflict, food insecurity represents a security threat since it serves as an initiator of violent actions. The presence of hunger and food insecurity increase the probability of protests and riots, which further causes insecurity among the population and leaves long-term consequences to the overall development of the community. On the other hand, conflicts cause the degradation of environment, economic disruption, forced displacement of the population which, in the end, causes hunger and ultimately disease and death. In the last decade, many countries have invested their efforts in law enforcement and strategies aimed at solving the problem of hunger. Countries also seek to activate social groups for participating actively in cooperation with international communities in order to enhance food security and ensure positive transformation.

The paper deals with the political crisis of dualism in multi-ethnic Austria-Hungary caused by the strengthening political opposition of Hungarian magnates in the Hungarian Parliament, who demanded the introduction of the Hungarian language as command language of the Hungarian troops. The implication thereof was a separation of the joint army and a disproval of the joint supreme commander, Emperor Franz Josef. The Hungarian language issue was therefore primarily political, and in the final instance it meant further weakening of connections with the Western part of the Monarchy until the final Hungarian secession, but also a possibility of further Hungarisation within the Hungarian borders. The Emperor opposed this by announcing a new electoral law aimed at depriving the Hungarian minority of its supremacy over the non-Hungarian majority in Hungary. He was supported by the liberal party led by Istvan Tisza, who rightly estimated that dualism was first and foremost protective of Hungarian interests in Hungary. Fear of the new electoral law sobered up the Hungarian nationalists and they gave up on the revision of the Austro-Hungarian compromise. Subsequently, the Emperor, driven by immediate political interests, decided not to enact the law on universal suffrage in Hungary despite the fact that, under certain favourable political circumstances, which were, unfortunately, lacking, precisely such a law could potentially have become the foundation not for bringing down, but for preserving Austria-Hungary. Adapted from the source document.

Polazeći od pretpostavke da je rješenje političkog, pravnog, kulturnog i društvenog položaja manjina u nekom društvu mjerilo demokratizacije i modernizacije tog društva, odnos prema migrantima mjerilo je stupnja svijesti o tome da poštivanje univerzalnih ljudskih prava, određenih u dokumentima UN-a, podrazumijeva i pravo migranata na razvoj i na to da ne žive u siromaštvu. Ženevska konvencija (1951.), koja se odnosi na status izbjeglica, izmijenjena Protokolom iz New Yorka (1967.), bila je osnova za razvoj zajedničke azilantske politike Europske unije. Od 1999. godine EU je počela stvarati tu politiku, što je rezultiralo Dublinskom regulativom (2013.). U 2015. godini više od milijun izbjeglica s Bliskog istoka i iz Sjeverne Afrike došlo je u Europu, iz dva razloga, prvo, da sačuvaju živote uslijed ratnih sukoba u svojim zemljama i drugo, da pronađu političku i ekonomsku sigurnost, prvenstveno u Njemačkoj i skandinavskim zemljama. Način na koji su države članice EU nastojale da europski odgovor na migrantsku krizu bude u skladu sa međunarodnim i pravom EU, posebno (ne)prihvaćanje sustava kvota – preraspodjele migranata u državama članicama, zatvaranje tzv. Balkanske rute, koja je izbjeglice vodila od Turske, preko Grčke, Makedonije i Srbije ka zemalja članicama EU, njihovo kolektivno vraćanje, zbog čega su balkanske zemlje u strahu da će postati tampon zona, a izbjeglice da će ostati blokirane na Balkanu, otvorio je pitanje poštivanja ljudskih prava i revizije azilantske politike EU. Zato se javila i potreba stvaranja novog područja međunarodne zaštite prava migranata, posebno prava na rad i razvoj, čime se bavi ovaj znanstveno-istraživački rad. ; Starting from the premise that the political, legal, cultural and social status of minorities may be used to measure the degree of democracy and modernization reached by a particular society, attitudes towards immigrants may be used to measure the degree of awareness indicating that respect for universal human rights recognized in relevant United Nations documents, including the right to development and living above the poverty. The Convention Relating to the Status of Refugees (Geneva, 1951) and its Protocol Relating to the Status of Refugees (New York, 1967) underpin the creation of a Common European Asylum System (CEAS). Since 1999, the EU has been working to create a CEAS, resulting in common rules laid down in the Dublin Regulation (2013). In 2015, more than a million refugees fled their Middle Eastern and North African homelands and came to Europe for two reasons. Firstly, they were literally running to save their lives, and secondly, they were fleeing in search for a secure livelihood and political stability (primarily, to Germany and the Scandinavian countries). The way in which EU Member States sought to ensure compliance with international and EU legislation in their response to the refugee crisis, in particular by: (not)accepting the proposed quota system – distribution of migrants across EU member states, closing the gates along the so-called Western Balkan Route, the main transit route for migrants heading towards EU member states from Turkey, via Greece, Macedonia and Serbia, and their collective return, which caused Balkan countries fear of becoming buffer zone for refugees and the refugees fear of being trapped in the Balkans, raised the issue of human rights and revision of the European Asylum Policy. Therefore, there is a need to create a new segment of international protection of the rights of migrants, in particular the right to work and development, which is a subject that is dealt with in this research paper.