Suchergebnisse

Federal structure of American governmental system, shaped by the 1787 Constitution, has survived till now, although governmental institutions have undergone transformations together with the change of socio-economic conditions. The model of dual federalism has given way to the model of cooperative federalism. In spite of the centralist trends started by the New Deal reforms, the (initiatives undertaken by presidents L. B. Johnson (Creative federalism), R. M. Nixon and G. R. Ford (new federalism) mean an attempt at preserving the equilibrium between the federal government and states. Intensification of forms of subsidies used till now (grants-in-aid) and introducing uconditional subsidies (revenue sharing) show that the lack of financial balance did not became for the federal government a signal for taking over the "endangered" state functions, a solution is sought in the way of strenghtening all the levels by subsidies so that can effectively manage their responsibilities as assigned to them by the federal division of tasks. To meet the growing responsibilities a modernization of state governments have been started in mid-sixties. The modernization increased the technocratic potential of state governments and broadened their possibilities in modern management. As alternatives to federal system the following solutions are most frequently quoted: regionalisation, basing local authorities on the institution of ethnic communes, increased importance of towns, the role of local authorities as ombudsman. These radical suggestions have however very little chance to be realized in immediate future, they might be caused only by a great crizis. American system reacts to smaller irregulations by releasing tensions. The immediate perspective goes in the direction of particular transformations aiming at: rationalization and consolidation of local units, revision of constitution and modernization of state level, broadening federal subsidies for states and local governments, increasing federal government's responsibility for securing social services, growth in direct contacts between the federal government and local authorities. No radical centralist or decentralist alternative does constitute a panaceum in American conditions. Attachment to traditional solutions taking in consideration adaptational possibilities of federalism seems to determinate its further functioning. Pragmatic tendencies will show themselves in attempts to modernize all levels of government in purpose to readjust them to changing needs and conditions of life of American society. ; Digitalizacja i deponowanie archiwalnych zeszytów RPEiS sfinansowane przez MNiSW w ramach realizacji umowy nr 541/P-DUN/2016

The federal principle in Switzerland has been developing for centuries. It was a process that has not always proceeded in a peaceful manner. The creation of Swiss statehood required reconciling different groups and interests. Today's federal solutions in Switzerland allow for the peaceful co-existence of different language and religious groups. Another challenge is to reconcile the interests of wealthy and poor cantons. Understanding how this happened can provide guidance for further integration within the European Union, which in many aspects might be compared to Switzerland. ; Zasada federalizmu w Szwajcarii rozwijała się przez wieki. Był to proces, który nie zawsze przebiega ł w sposób pokojowy. Stworzenie szwajcarskiej państwowości wymagało pogodzenia różnych grup i interesów. Dzisiejsze rozwiązania federalne w Szwajcarii umożliwiają pokojowe współistnienie różnych grup językowych i religijnych. Kolejnym wyzwaniem było pogodzenie interesów bogatych i biednych kantonów. Poznanie mechanizmów federalizmu szwajcarskiego może stanowić wskazówkę dla dalszej integracji w ramach Unii Europejskiej, która pod wieloma względami przypomina Szwajcarię.

The aim of the work is to embed the Russian model of federalism (changes taking place in the Center – regions system) in the modern theoretical and conceptual grid of federalism, using the analysis of changes taking place in 2000 – 2016 within the system of federal relations in Russia. The author uses the historical method, exegesis of legal acts and ideational method. Particularly interesting, according to the author, is the attempt to relate the Russian model of federal relations to the ideal types of federalism by W. H. Riker and the concept of the model of "police patrol" and "fire alarm". The author tries to answer the following: 1. How was the evolution of federal relations in Russia after 1999? 2. What characterizes the institutionalization of the system of the mechanism of monitoring the activities of regional state authorities? 3. What was the evolution of the new format of relations between the Kremlin and the regional elites, and was it maintained in the spirit of the neo-warrior model? 4. What were the premises for changes within the federal relations system and their consequences. Answering these questions will verify three hypotheses: H1. Due to the Kremlin's lack of readiness to eliminate federalist provisions from the constitution, in conjunction with the "leaching" of federalist content from the center-regions relations, it is accepted to call Russia "a federation without federalism." Attempts to "reconcile" the benefits of federalism with the practice of a unitary state allow defining the federalism of modern Russia as "unitary". H2. As a result of the Kremlin's actions after 1999, the Russian federal model has clearly approached the maximum pole. H3. Referring to the plane of analysis of the Russian system of federal relations constructed around the axis of the model "police patrol" vs. "fire alarm", it can be assumed that in the discussed period it definitely came close to the model of "police patrol". ; Celem pracy jest osadzenie rosyjskiego modelu federalizmu (przemian dokonujących się w układzie Centrum–regiony) we współczesnej siatce teoretyczno-pojęciowej federalizmu, za pomocą analizy przemian dokonujących się w latach 2000–2016 w obrębie systemu stosunków federacyjnych w Rosji. Autor stosuje metodę historyczną, egzegezę aktów prawnych i metodę ideacyjną. Szczególnie interesująca, zdaniem autora, jest próba odniesienia rosyjskiego modelu stosunków federacyjnych do osi typów idealnych federalizmu autorstwa W. H. Rikera i koncepcji modelu "patrolu policyjnego" i "alarmu przeciwpożarowego". Autor stara się odpowiedzieć na następujące: 1. Jak przebiegała ewolucja stosunków federacyjnych w Rosji po roku 1999?; 2. Co charakteryzuje instytucjonalizację systemu mechanizmu monitoringu działań organów władzy państwowej szczebla regionalnego?; 3. Jak wyglądała ewolucja nowego formatu relacji Kreml–elity regionalne i czy była ona utrzymana w duchu modelu neojarłyku?; 4. Jakie były przesłanki zmian w obrębie systemu stosunków federacyjnych i ich konsekwencje? Odpowiedź na te pytania pozwoli zweryfikować trzy hipotezy: H1. Ze względu na brak gotowości Kremla do wyeliminowania z tekstu konstytucji zapisów federalistycznych, w połączeniu z "wypłukiwaniem" federalistycznej treści ze stosunków centrum–regiony, przyjmuje się określać Rosję "federacją bez federalizmu". Próby "pogodzenia" dobrodziejstwa federalizmu z praktyką państwa unitarnego pozwalają zdefiniować federalizm współczesnej Rosji jako "unitarny". H2. Rosyjski model federalizmu wyraźnie zbliżył się w wyniku działań Kremla po roku 1999 w stronę bieguna maksymalnego. H3. Odnosząc się do płaszczyzny analizy rosyjskiego systemu stosunków federacyjnych konstruowanej wokół osi modelu "patrol policyjny" vs. "alarm przeciwpożarowy", można przyjąć, że w omawianym okresie zdecydowanie zbliżył się on do modelu "patrolu policyjnego". ; Целью данной работы является включение российской модели федерализма (изменения, происходящие в системе Центр – регионы) в современную теоретическую и концептуальную сетку федерализма с использованием анализа изменений, произошедших в 2000 – 2016 гг. в системе федеративных отношений в России. В сщоич исследованиях Автор использует исторический метод, толкование правовых актов и идейный метод. Особенно интересной, по мнению автора, является попытка соотнести российскую модель федеративных отношений с идеальными типами федерализма У. Х. Райкера и концепциями моделей «полицейский патруль» и «пожарная сигнализация». Автор пытается ответить на следующие вопросы: 1. Как развивалась федеративные отношения в России после 1999 г.? 2. Что характеризует институционализация системы механизма мониторинга деятельности региональных органов государственной власти? 3. Какова была эволюция нового формата отношений между Кремлем и региональными элитами, и поддерживалась ли она в духе модели неоярлык? 4. Каковы были предпосылки для изменений в федеративной системе отношений и их последствия. Ответ на эти вопросы подтвердит три гипотезы: Г1. Кремль не готов исключить федеративные положения из конституции, поэтому в сочетании с «вымыванием» федералистского содержания из отношений центр – регионы, принято называть Россию «федерацией без федерализма». Попытки «примирить» преимущества федерализма с практикой унитарного государства позволяют определить федерализм современной России как «унитарный». Г2. В результате действий Кремля после 1999 года российская федеральная модель явно приблизилась к максимальному полюсу. H3. Обращаясь к плоскости анализа российской системы федеративных отношений, построенной вокруг оси модели «полицейский патруль» против «пожарная тревога», можно предположить, что в обсуждаемый период она однозначно приблизилась к модели «полицейского патруля».

The systemic diversity of the regions and local units can be subsumed to three possible forms of political systems: 1) self‑government, 2) territorial autonomy and 3) the federal state. Based upon that criterion, modern democratic states can be divided into: 1) unitary states with self‑government, 2) unitary states with territorial autonomy and self‑government, 3) federal states with self‑government, 4) federal states with territorial autonomy and self‑government. That division clearly points to the fact, that unitary and federal states can successfully exhibit the same types of political systems on the regional and local levels: territorial autonomy and self‑government. In consequence, both federal and unitary states, under this particular respect, do not exhibit differences. The systems present in the unit‑parts of a federation (regardless of their designation: republics, states, lands, cantons or provinces) in themselves are not a separate category and form of the political system, but form together with others, the three subcentral legal‑political systems present in democratic states. However, the understanding of federalism as concept referring to something more than the legal‑political system of a given state (or even the political system sensu stricto) might seems unconvincing, but still in the consideration of federalism one needs to step away from the analysis of existing federal states (however, comparative constitutional law and constitutional practice must have fundamental impact) and create the prognoses of systemic solutions in a group of highly decentralized unitary states. Besides that, the research of the political theory of federalism and federation presents itself as not without merit to the undertaken task.

During the last few decades, a new state with a decentralized unitary structure was implemented and it destroyed so far functioning dichotomy between unitary states and complex states called very often as federal. Consequently, there is a huge controversy in the classification of the political system of countries like Spain or Italy. The article contains of a brief reference to the form of federal and unitary, which constitutes the background to the debate on the Spanish regime. Currently, 17 Spanish regions has a strong, stable political system and a political position, which does not mean the end of the decentralization process. The shape of the modern territorial structure of the Spanish State is based on several principles that are important from the point of view of the classification of the political system, the analysis included in the article. Spain based on the constitutional principle of unity, created a new form of the state, which in this case can be called a regional system of unitary decentralized. In conclusion it is not possible to call Spanish regime as federal.

What it meant by European Integration? We mean the historical process whereby European nation-states have been willing to transfer, or more usually pool, their sovereign powers in a collective enterprise. The European Union, which today contains twenty-eight member states, which has a complex institutional structure that includes a supranational central administration (the European Commission), an elected Parliament, a Court of Justice and a Central Bank, is the outcome of this processes. Many American and European scientists of the European Union have chided "intergovemmentalist" accounts for emphasizing the duration of member state authority over the process of European integration. This article attempts to prove these criticisms in a "historical institutionalist" account that mentions the importance of research on European integration as a political process which spreads over time. Such an aspect distinguishes the limitations of member-state control over permanent institutional improvements, due to a fixation with short-term interests, the existence of unexpected consequences, and actions that "lock in" past decisions and make affirmation of member-state control difficult. Short exploration of the development of social policy in the EC advocates the limitations of conducting the EC as an international regime promoting collective activity among sovereign states. It is important to view integration as a "path-dependent" process that has composed a dispersed, but still obvious "multitiered" European polity.

In terms of law, federation is a complex political, economic, administrative and social system, whose individual components enjoy a significant level of independence. Political authority is organized so as to protect the identity of national, ethnic, linguistic and cultural minorities living in the territory of this multidimensional federal structure. From the constitutional point of view, federalism has two principal functions. Firstly, it unifies a state that was once disintegrated, thus allowing for the establishment of a political union and of some form of authority, which is a prerequisite of forming a somewhat broader identity; alternatively, it unifies various states. This function consists of the unification of what used to be separated and disintegrated. The other function concerns the task of maintaining the unity of those who underline the legitimacy of the authorities and reject their governance, because they feel harmed and oppressed by the political regime, or they believe that their interests are not guaranteed in the framework of a constitutionally determined autonomy. This is usually connected with their striving to become separated. In this case, federalism is a reaction to the threat of the state's disintegration, when different identities emerge in its internal structure, although they are not mutually excluded, and they do not exclude one another from this state yet. Then, federalism becomes a form of identification of various subjects with the federal state in a broader than local perspective. The second function of federalism refers us to the issue of a state comprising numerous nations, languages, cultures and religions. Modern democracy is both a political ideology and a political system. It generates increasing dissatisfaction with the way it operates on a practical level. The choice between a unitary and a federal approach does not mean a choice between a democratic or nondemocratic system, yet, from the long-term historical perspective, it appears that a federal system cannot operate without democracy, despite the obvious tensions between a democratic ideal and political reality.

The article is devoted to the federal system in the Democratic Federation of Northern Syria (North and East Syria), or the so-called Rojava. The case of this system is for many reasons special: on the one hand, it realizes the concept of ethnofederalism; on the other hand, it realizes the doctrine of democratic confederalism, i.e. political thought of Abdullah Öcalan. Democratic confederalism, referring largely to the communalism and municipalism of Murray Bookchin, advocates the implementation of a new order in the Middle East, in which various self-administrating ethnic and religious communities could co-exist in a confederal network based on the principles of participatory democracy, legal pluralism, federalism, equality of women and men, ecology and the social economy. According to its proponents, it leads to peace: first in Syria and later in the entire Middle East. ; Artykuł jest poświęcony systemowi federalnemu w Demokratycznej Federacji Północnej Syrii (Północnej i Wschodniej Syrii), tzw. Rożawie. System ten stanowi przypadek szczególny: z jednej strony ze względu na realizację koncepcji etnofederalizmu, z drugiej zaś z uwagi na zakorzenienie w doktrynie demokratycznego konfederalizmu (tj. myśli politycznej Abdullaha Öcalana). Demokratyczny konfederalizm, nawiązując w dużej mierze do komunalizmu i municypalizmu Murraya Bookchina, opowiada się za realizacją na Bliskim Wschodzie nowego ładu, w którym rozmaite wspólnoty etniczne i religijne mogłyby w ramach swoich odrębnych, lecz połączonych ze sobą w konfederalną sieć, organizacji realizować model demokracji partycypacyjnej i pluralizmu prawnego. Porządek ten, oparty na zasadach demokracji, federalizacji, równouprawnienia kobiet i mężczyzn, ekologii oraz ekonomii społecznej, ma prowadzić do wygaszenia istniejących konfliktów i pokojowej współpracy pomiędzy społecznościami – najpierw Syrii, a później całego regionu.

An important element shaping the political system of Switzerland was adopting the Federal Constitution in 1848. The current Federal Constitution of the Swiss Confederation was adopted in 1999. The current political system of this country can be referred to as directorial; however, because this specific system manifests itself mainly through the significant role of the cantons, it is also referred to as a "parliamentary-cantonal" system. The paper was divided into six parts: historical and institutional determinants, socio-political divisions, assumptions and functioning of Swiss federalism, party system and "magic formula", main political institutions, and instruments and procedures. In the article, both institutional and legal methods were applied. An important element of the system is the large degree of independence and self-reliance of the cantons and the communes. What determines the shape of the political parties and the socio-political division of Switzerland is the multiculturalism of the country. The fundamental democratic instruments in the country comprise referenda, popular initiatives, and popular assemblies. ; Uchwalenie Konstytucji Federalnej w 1848 roku było istotne dla kształtowania systemu politycznego Szwajcarii. Współczesne brzmienie Konstytucji Federalnej Konfederacji Szwajcarskiej uchwalono w 1999 roku. Obecnie system tego kraju można określić mianem parlamentarno komitetowego (system konwentu). Ze względu jednak na jego specyfikę, objawiającą się w głównie w dużej roli kantonów, jest określany także jako parlamentarno-kantonalny. Artykuł podzielono na sześć części: uwarunkowania historyczne i instytucjonalne, podziały socjopolityczne, założenia i funkcjonowanie szwajcarskiego federalizmu, system partyjny i "formuła magiczna", główne instytucje ustrojowe oraz instrumenty i procedury. W badaniach zastosowano podejście instytucjonalno-prawne, analizę systemową oraz analizę historyczną. W toku badań wykazano, że istotnym elementem systemu jest duża niezależność i samodzielność kantonów, a także gmin. Czynnikiem determinującym kształt partii politycznych i podział socjopolityczny Szwajcarii jest przede wszystkim jej wielokulturowość. Zasadniczymi instrumentami demokratycznymi w tym państwie są: referendum, inicjatywa ludowa, zgromadzenie ludowe.

Environmental Kuznets Curve (EKC) is often used to illustrate differences in intensity of environmental externalities creation under various jurisdictions. From the point of view of environment exploitation those jurisdictions are usually arbitrary. As a result conclusions drawn from them may be incorrect and public policy based on them inaccurate (e.g. the territory where environmental regulations are applied does not match with the territory where they are needed). As a consequence, predictions based on statistical interpretation of EKC are unreliable and the policy based on them proves to be inefficient. Therefore, it seems that EKC should be used for predictions only for large jurisdictions or groups of jurisdictions.

Central European federalists gathered in Central European Federal Youth Movement (CEFYM) and Central European Federalists (CEF) propagated throughout the period of its existence the plan of federalization of Europe. Under the influence of stagnation in the work of integration in the fifties and sixties adopted a model of integration of "Europe Homelands" presented by Charles de Gaulle, and based on a confederation of sovereign states. Recognize the Confederacy as a desirable and natural step on the way to the federation. They believed, moreover, that within the European confederation may be closer ties – such as federations, such as central Europe. Own program federalists presented in spite of historical and political events. Do not succumb to their efforts, because they thought they were guilty of their peoples and homelands. Adhered to the principle that "Victory refer only to those who have attended the organized effort, well – thought-out plan and persistence in its execution", and that they can not settle on their own lives, to ensure a well-being, because they have to think about their child

System polityczny Konfederacji Szwajcarskiej jest systemem, który stanowi przykład dla współczesnych rozwiązań demokratycznych. Specyfika oddolnej organizacji państwa szwajcarskiego sugeruje, by specyfiki jego funkcjonowania poszukiwać od poziomu gminy poprzez kanton ku całej federacji. Należy wskazać, że filarem szwajcarskiego federalizmu jest silna samodzielność kantonów wobec władzy federalnej. Warto podkreślić, że specyficzny charakter systemu rządów oparty jest o zasadę dominacji parlamentu, układ zależności pomiędzy poszczególnymi instytucjami władzy państwowej przyczyniają się do instytucjonalnego zdominowania procesów politycznych, przy tym ograniczony do minimum stopień politycznej rywalizacji sprzyja z jednej strony realizacji merytorycznych działań politycznych, z drugiej stabilności. Należy również wskazać na rozbudowaną instytucję demokracji bezpośredniej, która pozostawia ostateczny głos obywatelowi. ; The political system of the Swiss Confederation is a system that is an example for modern democratic solutions. The specificity of grass-roots organization of the Swiss State suggests that the specificity of its operation should be sought for from the level of the community through canton to the whole federation. It should be noted that the pillar of the Swiss federalism is strong independence of the cantons towards the federal government. It is worth noting that the specific nature of the system of government is based on the principle of domination of parliament; arrangement relationships between the various institutions of state power contribute to the institutional domination of the political processes, while limited to the minimum degree of political competition favors on the one hand the implementation of substantive policy action, and on the other - stability. It should also be pointed out to the extensive institution of direct democracy which leaves the final say to the citizen.

Już George Waszyngton miał wyrazić często przywoływane później przez Amerykanów życzenie, by na wzór Stanów Zjednoczonych Ameryki powstały również Stany Zjednoczone Europy. W rzeczywistości idea ta narodziła się zapewne wśród europejskich federalistów w XIX w., realne kształty mogła zaś przybrać dopiero u progu zimnej wojny. Dokonana wówczas przez administrację Harry'ego Trumana redefinicja globalnych interesów USA oraz ich roli w świecie prowadziła w konsekwencji nie tylko do wsparcia, ale wręcz zdecydowanego promowania koncepcji ekonomicznej, politycznej i militarnej integracji europejskiej. Kierując się mieszanką pobudek idealistycznych i pragmatycznych waszyngtońska elita oceniała, że zjednoczona w oparciu o amerykańskie wzorce Europa federalna z jednej strony przezwycięży w ten sposób swe odwieczne problemy (rywalizacja narodowa i marnotrawienie potencjału ekonomicznego), z drugiej zaś - odciąży USA od części odpowiedzialności za losy świata zachodniego. W miarę normalizacji sytuacji w Europie Zachodniej po II wojnie światowej jej przywódcy wykazywali jednak coraz mniejszy entuzjazm wobec amerykańskich planów federacji, na co Waszyngton reagował coraz bardziej stanowczymi groźbami pozbawienia Europy swego parasola ochronnego. Dopiero ostateczna klęska projektów EWO i EWP spowodowała zmianę polityki administracji Eisenhowera, oznaczającą pogodzenie się ze zmierzchem idei federalistycznej oraz triumfem funkcjonalizmu. ; It was George Washington who many authors claim first expressed the wish, often reported by Americans, that "one day, on the model of the United States of America a United States of Europe will come into being". In fact, the idea seems to have been launched by 19th century European federalists, yet it could not materialize until the dawn of the Cold War. Not only did the Truman administration's reappraisal of US global security interests and its role in the world lead to their support, but to their relentless promotion of Europe's economic, political and military integration. Out of their mixed idealistic and pragmatic motivation, the Washington establishment argued that, if united along the American model, a federal Europe would overcome its traditional problems (national rivalries and wasting its economic potential) while, on the other hand, it would also reduce US responsibility for the well-being of the Western world. However, as post-war normalization set in, the leaders of Western Europe grew increasingly skeptical of American federalist visions, while Washington responded with ever more resolute threats of withdrawing its forces from Europe. It was not until the ultimate failure of the EDC/EPC project that the Eisenhower administration modified its European policy, coming to terms with the end of federalism and the triumph of functionalism.

Już George Waszyngton miał wyrazić często przywoływane później przez Amerykanów życzenie, by na wzór Stanów Zjednoczonych Ameryki powstały również Stany Zjednoczone Europy. W rzeczywistości idea ta narodziła się zapewne wśród europejskich federalistów w XIX w., realne kształty mogła zaś przybrać dopiero u progu zimnej wojny. Dokonana wówczas przez administrację Harry'ego Trumana redefinicja globalnych interesów USA oraz ich roli w świecie prowadziła w konsekwencji nie tylko do wsparcia, ale wręcz zdecydowanego promowania koncepcji ekonomicznej, politycznej i militarnej integracji europejskiej. Kierując się mieszanką pobudek idealistycznych i pragmatycznych waszyngtońska elita oceniała, że zjednoczona w oparciu o amerykańskie wzorce Europa federalna z jednej strony przezwycięży w ten sposób swe odwieczne problemy (rywalizacja narodowa i marnotrawienie potencjału ekonomicznego), z drugiej zaś – odciąży USA od części odpowiedzialności za losy świata zachodniego. W miarę normalizacji sytuacji w Europie Zachodniej po II wojnie światowej jej przywódcy wykazywali jednak coraz mniejszy entuzjazm wobec amerykańskich planów federacji, na co Waszyngton reagował coraz bardziej stanowczymi groźbami pozbawienia Europy swego parasola ochronnego. Dopiero ostateczna klęska projektów EWO i EWP spowodowała zmianę polityki administracji Eisenhowera, oznaczającą pogodzenie się ze zmierzchem idei federalistycznej oraz triumfem funkcjonalizmu. ; It was George Washington who many authors claim first expressed the wish, often reported by Americans, that "one day, on the model of the United States of America a United States of Europe will come into being". In fact, the idea seems to have been launched by 19th century European federalists, yet it could not materialize until the dawn of the Cold War. Not only did the Truman administration's reappraisal of US global security interests and its role in the world lead to their support, but to their relentless promotion of Europe's economic, political and military integration. Out of their mixed idealistic and pragmatic motivation, the Washington establishment argued that, if united along the American model, a federal Europe would overcome its traditional problems (national rivalries and wasting its economic potential) while, on the other hand, it would also reduce US responsibility for the well-being of the Western world. However, as post-war normalization set in, the leaders of Western Europe grew increasingly skeptical of American federalist visions, while Washington responded with ever more resolute threats of withdrawing its forces from Europe. It was not until the ultimate failure of the EDC/EPC project that the Eisenhower administration modified its European policy, coming to terms with the end of federalism and the triumph of functionalism.

The European Union is a space o f continuous negotiations and an arena hosting the clashes of diverse integration options and concepts represented by EU member states and institutions. Furthermore, the disintegration of the EU (which dates back to the Maastricht Treaty) is becoming more and more visible. It is reflected directly by the presence in the European debate concerning multi-speed Europe and the current actions taken by the Eurozone states aimed at escalating the integration among selected states. Poland is also taking part in the debate concerning the future o f the European Union. The author of this paper attempted to examine Poland's place in the political and economic space o f the European Union by referring to the theory of integration. The research objective o f the paper is to analyse the Polish integration policy between late 1989 and 2012 within the context o f the international and European integration theory. The advanced research reflection in this scope in relation to Poland as the selected and important EU member state fits into the debate on the relevance of the European Union uniting concepts. The author posed the following research hypotheses in the dissertation: 1 .Considering the current stage o f development of the European Union, the Polish integration policy does not firmly support strictly one international or European integration concept. The Polish integration policy does not have a cohesive and stable integration policy concept and it is largely dependent on the policy and objectives of the current government (this is not only typical o f Poland) and the integration level. 2.Poland is strongly fixed in western structures, which makes the integration policy a vital component of development. What is more, the outlook on the European Union continues to evolve in the Polish political and social space. Poland sees the European Union as the main point o f reference in many political, economic, and social areas. 3.The organisation of the European Union does not only see Poland affect the form of the integration process, but also sees member states and EU organisations affect the functioning of Poland. The influence of a given state on the form o f the European Union mostly depends on the state's strength and significance in the EU community. This premise sees the place o f a given state in the system conditioned by the current factors, for example the European Union expansion process. Therefore, the interests o f Poland do not always correspond to the interests of the European Union, and the other way around. This deepens the EU's intergovernmental dimension. 4.Member states constitute the most important element o f the European Union. It is a union of states and nations supported by community institutions. This structure covers the convergence o f its methods, theories, and areas. This makes it impossible to profile the structure only from the perspective of the specified international integration theory. 5.The current stage o f the European Union's development, its challenges, and its problems show that the integration process continues to evolve and its result is impossible to foresee. 6.The current economic crisis influences the perception and management o f the European Union. The expectations include the intensification of intergovemmentalism and the establishment of multi-speed Union. If Poland remains outside of the Eurozone, it will find itself on the periphery o f the integration process, which is rather far from its very centre. Based on these research findings, Polish politics with regard to and, later, as part o f the EU can be divided into several principal periods. Period 1: (1989-1997) a time of consolidating Polish independence and security. This time was associated with the choice of a principal direction of the Polish foreign policy after 1989, i.e. Western Europe and declaration of Poland's will to take part in the process of its integration, without having any concrete vision for further course of those processes. This approach was often marked by a claiming attitude, both among political elites (marked by high instability) and the society (a simplified attitude, no social debate or knowledge about integration processes). During that period, Polish politics with regard to the EU cannot be ascribed to any specific model, since that policy was in statu nascendi at the time and was targeted at the EU membership, an objective in its own right. Period 2: (1998-2004) a time of negotiating Poland's accession to the EU, and the candidate's becoming accustomed to the rules o f EU's workings. There was still no vision o f integration processes from the Polish perspective and related opinions were expressed in a very cautious way. The primary aim was membership in the EU, such that was available at a given moment. At the same time, we should stress an important moment in the process of changes: the breakthrough o f the years 1999/2000. The interest in issues related to Poland's integration with the EU grew more intense then. The Polish government began to address this issue not only from the local perspective (a balance o f benefits and losses), but also expressed opinions on the reformation of the EU as a whole. Poland came as a difficult candidate for an EU member state (Polish support for US activities in Iraq and Afghanistan). This "difficulty" also emerged in the government's seeking to secure Poland's financial interests in connection with the accession. It was a period of preparations for membership, marked by a high level o f uncertainty (no clear vision, conflicting views: strong Union or preservation of independence, Common Foreign and Security Policy or working with the USA). Period 3: (2005-2007) a process aimed at building a vision of "Europe of Solidary Nations" in the EU by the government o f K. Marcinkiewicz and J. Kaczyński. Decisive, though not quite stable, support for international liberalism in the Polish integration policy. This manifested itself in reinforcing the Euro-realistic stance, both within Poland and abroad, by many considered, in fact, Eurosceptic. Period 4: (since 2008 to this day) a period of an integration vision being developed by D. Tusk's government, especially the Minister o f Foreign Affairs, R. Sikorski. It is a time of big changes and evolution in the Polish integration policy. An important issue at this time was a real sense of benefits coming from Poland's integration with the EU and the Polish government's pro-European attitude. The integration policy being developed shows a more flexible approach to the concept of independence (emergence o f collective independence) and thinking about the Polish foreign policy from the EU perspective. Additionally, we observed a return to constructing strategic partnership between Poland and Germany, rationalisation of partnership with the USA, Poland's active contribution to solving EU problems (e.g. the economic crisis), working towards a better "Eastern policy" as part of the EU. R. Sikorski was the first Polish Minister o f Foreign Affairs to have officially used the concept of federalism and vow his support for it in integration processes, mindful of Polish experiences and historical heritage in this respect. The Polish government expresses a firm objection to the idea of "multi-speed" Europe and builds an image o f Poland as an active member state (presidency at the EU Council), enjoying a good economic situation and having a society with an enthusiastic approach to the integration processes and strong Europe, and seeking to be as close to the "epicentre" o f countries behind this process.The analysis o f the integrative concepts presented in this paper shows that the different periods of the Polish integration policy (establishment and execution) saw and continue to see various levels in the majority of the international integration theory elements (of course, this is not just a Polish characteristic in the European Union, but rather a predominant trend in the Union's integration process). This has been and continues to be conditioned in large part by the foreign policy objectives of the given government, as well as by the current challenges and problems Poland is facing. In the case of the Polish integration policy, as in most other EU member states, we can observe an aggregation of interests, concepts and attitudes. This research project seeks to systematise them.