Suchergebnisse

OBJETIVO : Analisar a dinâmica de funcionamento das Comissões Intergestores Bipartites em saúde, nos estados do Brasil. MÉTODOS : A pesquisa compreendeu visitas a 24 estados, observação direta, análise documental e realização de entrevistas semiestruturadas com dirigentes estaduais e municipais. A caracterização das comissões de 2007 a 2010 considerou quatro dimensões: (i) institucionalidade, classificada como avançada, intermediária ou incipiente; (ii) conteúdo das negociações intergovernamentais, qualificado como diversificado/restrito, aderente/não aderente à realidade estadual e compartilhado/não compartilhado entre estado e municípios; (iii) processo político, considerando o caráter e a intensidade das relações intergovernamentais; e (iv) capacidade de atuação, avaliada como elevada, moderada ou baixa. RESULTADOS : Dez comissões apresentaram institucionalidade avançada. O conteúdo das negociações foi diversificado em todos os estados e na maioria aderente à realidade estadual. Entretanto, um terço das comissões expressaram assimetrias de poder entre esferas de governo. Relações intergovernamentais cooperativas e interativas predominaram em 54,0% dos estados. As dimensões de institucionalidade, conteúdo das negociações e processo político influenciaram a capacidade de atuação das Comissões Intergestores Bipartites na formulação da política e na coordenação federativa em saúde. Predominaram comissões com capacidade de atuação elevada nas regiões Sul e Sudeste e comissões com capacidade de atuação baixa no Norte e Nordeste. CONCLUSÕES : A variação regional entre as comissões sugere a influência de condicionantes histórico-estruturais (desenvolvimento socioeconômico, barreiras geográficas, características do sistema de saúde) na sua capacidade de coordenação intergovernamental em saúde. No entanto, em alguns estados, observou-se a possibilidade de superação de parte das dificuldades estruturais por meio de transformações institucionais e políticas. A realização de investimentos federais diferenciados por macrorregiões e estados é fundamental para a superação de desigualdades estruturais que repercutem nas instituições políticas. A atuação das CIB constitui um avanço, mas o fortalecimento de sua capacidade de coordenação federativa em saúde é crucial para a organização regionalizada do sistema de saúde nos estados brasileiros. ; OBJECTIVE To analyze the dynamics of operation of the Bipartite Committees in health care in the Brazilian states. METHODS The research included visits to 24 states, direct observation, document analysis, and performance of semi-structured interviews with state and local leaders. The characterization of each committee was performed between 2007 and 2010, and four dimensions were considered: (i) level of institutionality, classified as advanced, intermediate, or incipient; (ii) agenda of intergovernmental negotiations, classified as diversified/restricted, adapted/not adapted to the reality of each state, and shared/unshared between the state and municipalities; (iii) political processes, considering the character and scope of intergovernmental relations; and (iv) capacity of operation, assessed as high, moderate, or low. RESULTS Ten committees had advanced level of institutionality. The agenda of the negotiations was diversified in all states, and most of them were adapted to the state reality. However, one-third of the committees showed power inequalities between the government levels. Cooperative and interactive intergovernmental relations predominated in 54.0% of the states. The level of institutionality, scope of negotiations, and political processes influenced Bipartite Committees' ability to formulate policies and coordinate health care at the federal level. Bipartite Committees with a high capacity of operation predominated in the South and Southeast regions, while those with a low capacity of operations predominated in the North and Northeast. CONCLUSIONS The regional differences in operation among Bipartite Interagency Committees suggest the influence of historical-structural variables (socioeconomic development, geographic barriers, characteristics of the health care system) in their capacity of intergovernmental health care management. However, structural problems can be overcome in some states through institutional and political changes. The creation of federal investments, varied by regions and states, is critical in overcoming the structural inequalities that affect political institutions. The operation of Bipartite Committees is a step forward; however, strengthening their ability to coordinate health care is crucial in the regional organization of the health care system in the Brazilian states.

Examinaram-se implicações da estrutura federativa brasileira no processo de regionalização de ações e serviços de saúde do Sistema Único de Saúde, considerando que o planejamento regional de saúde no Brasil deve realizar-se no contexto das relações intergovernamentais que expressam o federalismo cooperativo no âmbito sanitário. A análise foi baseada numa abordagem diacrônica do federalismo sanitário brasileiro, reconhecendo dois períodos de desenvolvimento, a descentralização e a regionalização. Explorou-se o planejamento regional do Sistema Único de Saúde à luz do referencial teórico do federalismo. Conclui-se que há necessidade de relativa centralização desse processo no nível das Comissões Intergestores Bipartite, para o exercício da coordenação federativa, e que é imprescindível formalizar espaços de dissenso nos Colegiados de Gestão Regional e nas próprias Comissões Intergestores, para efetivar a construção política consensual na regionalização da saúde. ; Se examinaron implicaciones de la estructura federativa brasileña en el proceso de regionalización de acciones y servicios de salud del Sistema Único de Salud, considerando que la planificación regional de salud en Brasil debe realizarse en el contexto de las relaciones intergubernamentales que expresan el federalismo cooperativo en el ámbito sanitario. El análisis fue basado en un abordaje diacrónico del federalismo sanitario brasileño, reconociendo dos períodos de desarrollo, la descentralización y la regionalización. Se exploró la planificación regional del Sistema Único de Salud a la luz de la referencia teórica del federalismo. Se concluyó que hay necesidad de relativa centralización de dicho proceso en el nivel de las Comisiones Intergestoras Bipartita, para el ejercicio de la coordinación federativa, y que es imprescindible formalizar espacios de disenso en los Colegiados de Gestión regional y en las propias Comisiones Intergestoras, para efectivar la construcción política consensual en la regionalización de la salud. ; The implications from the Brazilian federal structure on the regionalization of health actions and services in the National Unified Health System (SUS) were analyzed, considering that the regional health planning in Brazil takes place within the context of intergovernmental relations as an expression of cooperative federalism in health. The analysis was based on a historical approach to Brazilian health federalism, recognizing two development periods, decentralization and regionalization. Regional health planning of SUS was explored in light of the theoretical framework of federalism. It is concluded that relative centralization of the process is needed in intergovernmental committees to actualize federal coordination and that it is essential to consider formalizing opportunities for dissent, both in regional management boards and in the intergovernmental committees, so that the consensus decision-making can be accomplished in healthcare regionalization.

This article proposes a historical-institutionalist perspective to explain the political and institutional dynamics that polarized the intergovernmental relations in health policy in the 1990s. In this perspective, the history of intergovernmental relations is understood as the result of a long chain of decisions made in particular political contexts of the three governments in the 90s: Presidents Fernando Collor, Itamar Franco and Fernando Henrique Cardoso. During this period, the relations between the political actors of the Brazilian Health Unified System (SUS) and the trends of the national federative context established the direction of the decentralization strategy at each stage. The intensity of institutionalization also depended on the choices of these governments regarding the direction of the national policy and the federative coordination structure of the Ministry of Health, the stability and volume of financing, and the institutional capacities of states and municipalities to take on new responsibilities. ; Este artículo propone un punto de vista histórico-institucionalista para explicar la polarización de las relaciones federativas en SUS a finales en los años 1990. En este enfoque, la trayectoria de las relaciones intergubernamentales es el resultado de una larga cadena de decisiones tomadas en contextos políticos concretos de los tres gobiernos en los años 1990: Collor, Itamar y FHC. La dinâmica de forças entre los actores políticos del SUS y las tendencias del contexto federativo nacional establecieron la dirección de la estrategia de descentralización en cada etapa. La intensidad de institucionalización resultó también de las elecciones de esos gobiernos relativas a la dirección de la política nacional y a la estructura de coordinación federativa del Ministerio de Salud, de la estabilidad y volumen del financiamiento sectorial, y de las capacidades institucionales de estados y municipios para asumir nuevas responsabilidades. ; Este artigo busca explicar a dinâmica político-institucional que produziu um quadro polarizado de relações federa­tivas no SUS nos anos 1990, com base no arcabouço teórico do neoinstitucionalismo histórico. Nessa perspectiva, analisa-se a trajetória das relações intergovernamentais como o resultado de uma cadeia de decisões tomadas em contextos singulares dos governos Collor, Itamar e FHC, onde o jogo entre os atores políticos do SUS e as tendências do contexto federativo nacional estabeleceu a direção da estratégia de descentralização em cada etapa. A intensidade de institucionalização dependeu ainda das escolhas desses governos relativas à direção da política nacional e à estrutura de coordenação federativa do Ministério da Saúde, da estabilidade e do volume do financia­mento setorial, e das capacidades institucionais de estados e municípios para assumirem novas responsabilidades.

O autor parte do reconhecimento da existência da atual crise – à semelhança da crise no pós-guerra – para elaborar sobre o significativo percurso no âmbito da cooperação judiciária penal na União Europeia, que acompanhou, por sua vez, a evolução da integração política. A União Europeia encontra-se hoje numa etapa crucial no que respeita à construção de uma jurisdição penal plena, caminho esse parametrizado pelo Tratado de Lisboa, nomeadamente quanto à criação de uma Procuradoria Europeia. Esta poderá vir a desenhar-se como um órgão "federal", com uma atuação concentrada e uniforme para todo o território da União Europeia, como espaço natural da sua jurisdição territorial. ; The author firstly recognizes the existence of the current crisis – similar to the crisis in post-war Europe – to elaborate on the significant path that criminal judicial cooperation in the European Union undertook, sustained by the evolution of political integration. Today the European Union is at a crucial stage in regards to the construction of a full criminal jurisdiction, particularly regarding the creation of a European Public Prosecutor's Office, as parameterized by the Lisbon Treaty. This is likely to emerge as a "federal" agency, with a concentrated and uniform action throughout the territory of the European Union, as the natural area of its territorial jurisdiction.

This article shares reflections on the historical clashes of federalism in Brazilian education. It presents the origins, concepts and historical conflicts in the configuration of federalism in Education, as well as the role of several actors in the educational context. It discusses the impacts of the distortions and historical misunderstandings of federalism arising from the limits of asymmetric federalism in Brazil, in view of the discrepancies between and within the federative units. The various bodies and institutions seek to work together so that Brazilian education can play its role in society. The progressive evolution from hegemonic federalism to cooperative federalism helps to reduce regional inequalities, which necessarily depend on political decisions that only a legitimate federative pact will make possible. ; Este artículo comparte reflexiones sobre los enfrentamientos históricos del federalismo en la educación brasileña. Presenta los orígenes, conceptos y conflictos históricos en la configuración del federalismo en la educación, así como el papel de varios actores en el contexto educativo. Discute los impactos de las distorsiones y los malentendidos históricos del federalismo derivados de los límites del federalismo asimétrico en Brasil, en vista de las discrepancias entre y dentro de las unidades federativas. Los diversos organismos e instituciones buscan trabajar juntos para que la educación brasileña pueda desempeñar su papel en la sociedad. La evolución progresiva del federalismo hegemónico al federalismo cooperativo ayuda a reducir las desigualdades regionales, que necesariamente dependen de decisiones políticas que solo un pacto federativo legítimo hará posible. ; Esse artigo compartilha reflexões sobre os embates históricos do federalismo na educação brasileira. Apresenta as origens, conceitos e embates históricos na configuração do federalismo na Educação, bem como o papel de diversos atores no contexto educacional. Discute-se sobre os impactos das distorções e equívocos históricos do federalismo advindos dos limites do federalismo assimétrico no Brasil, tendo em vista as discrepâncias existentes entre as unidades federativas e dentro delas. Os vários órgãos e instituições buscam trabalhar conjuntamente para que a educação brasileira possa desempenhar seu papel na sociedade. A progressiva evolução de um federalismo hegemônico para um federalismo cooperativo contribui para reduzir as desigualdades regionais, que dependem necessariamente de decisões políticas que somente um pacto federativo legítimo viabilizará.

This article analyzes how federalism has affected policy responses to the COVID-19 pandemic in Brazil. Through historical-institutional analysis, the study examines how the model of federalism adopted by President Bolsonaro's government influenced policy responses to the pandemic in the country. In addition, the research points out the existence of two models of federalism in the case analyzed, addressing the outcomes of the confrontation between them. The first model refers to ideas and institutional structures that have emerged since the 1988 Brazilian Federal Constitution with cooperative features and strong federal coordination. The second, named "Bolsonaro's federalism," is based on a dualistic view of intergovernmental relations with little participation of the federal government in reducing territorial inequalities and supporting subnational governments, while centralizing issues of national importance and adopting a hierarchical stance. The study shows that Bolsonaro's government increased the conflict with subnational governments and jeopardized the coordination of policy responses to the COVID-19 pandemic. We conclude that healthcare and federative crises go together and raise a key question: what is the importance of governmental coordination to implement policies to respond to the pandemic and its social and economic effects? ; Este artículo analiza cómo el federalismo brasileño ha afectado la lucha contra la COVID-19. A partir de un análisis histórico-institucional del caso brasileño, buscamos comprender cómo el modelo federativo construido por el gobierno de Bolsonaro influyó en las respuestas para combatir la pandemia en el país, así como los resultados de la confrontación de dos modelos federativos en este proceso. Por un lado, el ideario y las estructuras institucionales de la Constitución de 1988 con características cooperativas y una fuerte coordinación federal. Por otro, el federalismo bolsonarista que se basa en una visión dualista de las relaciones intergubernamentales, con menos participación del Gobierno Federal en la reducción de las desigualdades territoriales y en el apoyo a los gobiernos subnacionales, además de la postura centralizadora y jerárquica en materias de impacto nacional. El estudio muestra que el federalismo bolsonarista ha aumentado el conflicto con los gobiernos subnacionales y ha descoordinado las políticas públicas de combate a la pandemia. Se concluye que las crisis sanitaria y federativa van juntas y plantean una cuestión clave: la importancia de la coordinación gubernamental en la implementación de políticas públicas de enfrentamiento a la pandemia y sus efectos sociales y económicos. ; Este artigo analisa como o federalismo brasileiro tem afetado o combate à COVID-19. Tendo por base uma análise histórico-institucional do caso brasileiro, busca-se compreender como o modelo federativo construído pelo governo Bolsonaro influenciou as respostas ao combate da pandemia no país, bem como os resultados do confronto de dois modelos federativos nesse processo. De um lado, o ideário e as estruturas institucionais da Constituição de 1988 com características cooperativas e forte coordenação federal. De outro, o federalismo bolsonarista baseia-se numa visão dualista de relações intergovernamentais, com menor participação da União na redução de desigualdades territoriais e no apoio a governos subnacionais, além da postura centralizadora e hierárquica nas questões de impacto nacional. O estudo mostra que o federalismo bolsonarista aumentou o conflito com governos subnacionais e tem descoordenado políticas públicas de enfrentamento à pandemia. Conclui-se que as crises sanitária e federativa caminham juntas e trazem à tona uma questão chave: a importância da coordenação governamental nas políticas públicas de enfrentamento à pandemia.

The author intends to make evident a "conceptual reversion" in the case of federalism in Brazil Rather than union and pact to create a federal state, in our country federalism has been associated recently to a "decentralization" process and with just the states and municipalities participating in this deal. In this paper the intention is to show the way this "conceptual reversion" corresponds at present to the concrete crisis of this federative pact and, next, to rescue the necessary associated dimension which federalism assumes. ; The author intends to make evident a "conceptual reversion" in the case of federalism in Brazil Rather than union and pact to create a federal state, in our country federalism has been associated recently to a "decentralization" process and with just the states and municipalities participating in this deal. In this paper the intention is to show the way this "conceptual reversion" corresponds at present to the concrete crisis of this federative pact and, next, to rescue the necessary associated dimension which federalism assumes.

The Spanish-American war was the dominant subject of the Portuguese press between April and July of I898. This article analyses the Portuguese reactions to the I898 war. On one hand, it will focus the manner in which the commentaries about the military operations developed into an exercise in cultural critique. And, on the other hand, the way in which the war was used to open a debate on the relations between Portugal and Spain, through which the old Iberian federalism of the liberal left was finally put to rest. Adapted from the source document.

In this text we analyse, in a comparative viewpoint, the manner by which the States of Rio Grande do Sul and Sao Paulo Inserted themselves in the brazilian fiscal federalism during the First Republic (1889-1930), establishing, when comparing these two regional formations, the singularities of such an insertion in the social and economic context of brazilian federalism. In view of the autonomy and the new responsibilities bestowed upon the States, the text emphasizes that Rio Grande do Sul and Sao Paulo were the great inheritors of fiscal federalism; at the same time, they set themselves up as a Important supporter for the Union's revenues given that, in the period, only in these two States the Union collected more than it spent. ; In this text we analyse, in a comparative viewpoint, the manner by which the States of Rio Grande do Sul and Sao Paulo Inserted themselves in the brazilian fiscal federalism during the First Republic (1889-1930), establishing, when comparing these two regional formations, the singularities of such an insertion in the social and economic context of brazilian federalism. In view of the autonomy and the new responsibilities bestowed upon the States, the text emphasizes that Rio Grande do Sul and Sao Paulo were the great inheritors of fiscal federalism; at the same time, they set themselves up as a Important supporter for the Union's revenues given that, in the period, only in these two States the Union collected more than it spent.

The article analyses the process of reform in four areas of social policies that affect directly the interests of sub-national governments: basic education, social housing programs, basic sanitation and health. As the study reveals, despite the varying degree of success achieved in the various policy initiatives and contrary to the expectations of the prevailing interpretations of the nature of Brazilian federalism, the federal government faced no insurmountable hurdles in implementing their reform agenda. The study aims at demonstrating that (i) in the absence of any constitutional mandatory requirement, the political autonomy of local governments - typical of federative States - actually enhances the veto power of local governments over policy initiatives proposed by the federal Executive branch. However, (ii) power resources available to the federal Executive branch - such as agenda definition and vetoing powers - in addition to control over resources that are essential to the political survival of the representatives increase the chances of success-of the federal government. Furthermore, (1999), (iii) the constitutional authority of Brazilian states is far more limited than that of the North-American states; (iv) the category federalism, however, is not sufficient to define the potential stability of specific policies, which depends upon how inter-governmental relations are structured in each particular policy. Specifically, (v) constitutional rules, legacies from previous policies and the political cycle frame the decision arenas in various ways, thus conditioning both the strategies and chances of success of the federative players.

Federal aspirations underlie the integration of the European Communities/European Union since its inception. With the current crisis that started in 2007-2008, we have seen a new wave of ideas related with economic federalism. However, it is unclear what could be a concrete solution, particularly in terms of division of competences and powers between the EU and the member-states. The purpose of this paper is to identify and analyse the major proposals and/or federalist-oriented measures to solve the Eurozone crisis. It is also an aim to assess what could be the design of a more economically integrated European Union, based on any forms of economic federalism, and discuss their implications and risks for the Portugal. Adapted from the source document.

This article aims to investigate the origin of unbalances and tensions between central and subnational governments concerned to the allocation of resources and decentralization of public policies. One argue that Brazilian federalism in recent years (2000-2012) has establishing a high level of centralization in two essential dimensions of intergovernmental relations - contributing to tensions and negative reactions in subnational governments, particularly on the state or provincial governments. Firstly, the high degree of centralization of fiscal resources by central government. Secondly, the increasing control, at central level, of capabilities and initiatives for designing and implementing public policies. These two characteristics of centralization degree mean that subnational levels of government are prone to have a reduced and limited role in our federalism in contrast to constitutional prescriptions.