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The Cold War muzzled Claudia Jones' voice, one of the most significant women of the twentieth century, but the rediscovery of her writings and activism offers us new challenges to understanding her epistemology in the 21st century, especially in regard to 'super-exploitation' and tripartite sense of oppression, both of which are at the root of intersectionality. The concept of tripartite oppression is intergenerational. In recent years, Jones has been credited with popularizing the idea of the triple oppression of Black women based on their race, class, and gender, but Louise Thompson Patterson used the term in an essay, in the same year that Jones joined the Communist Party. Patterson appears to use the term triply-oppressed in reference to reforming, the conditions of domestic workers. Whereas Jones' writings and activism connected tripartite ideology to the peace movement. Jones linked the questions of race, class, and gender, to anti-colonialism, anti-imperialism, and anti-fascism into a singular struggle to attain peace that would create an egalitarian society which makes her the mother of global revolutionary thought. The concept of triply-oppressed is not static. It embodies a degree of dynamism as it situates in the context of time and space; so that in the twenty-first century lexicon the concept is expressed in terms of intersectionality.

'Wie verwenden Autorinnen feministische Utopien, um ihre Modelle einer neuen Welt ohne Frauenunterdrückung zu entwerfen bzw. um Modelle einer Gesellschaft mit anderen Formen des Wirtschaftens, der Kindererziehung oder völlig anderen Beziehungen zwischen Frauen und Männern sowie Frauen und Frauen vorzustellen? Dieser Beitrag untersucht einige wichtige Romane dieses Genres und diskutiert u.a. folgende Fragen: Warum lesen wir Utopien, warum sollten wir sie lesen und was macht Utopien zu feministischen Utopien? Als ein Ergebnis kann festgehalten werden, dass uns feministische Utopien als eine Form fiktionaler Texte ganz spezielle Verbindungen zwischen dem Gegenwärtigen und dem Zukünftigen vorführen; sie regen unsere Vorstellungskraft an, das heute noch nicht Mögliche zu denken und unser politisches Handeln auch darauf auszurichten; sie ermutigen uns letztlich, uns aus der Sackgasse politischer Resignation herauszubewegen und als politisch(-feministisch) Handelnde nicht länger Selbstbegrenzung zu üben, was gerade zur Zeit ein Charakteristikum frauenpolitischer Forderungen zu sein scheint.' (Autorenreferat)

Abstract: In 2020, to celebrate the centenary of women's suffrage in the United States, President Donald J. Trump issued a posthumous pardon for Susan B. Anthony who illegally cast her vote in an 1872 election. In 2018, the British Government announced that it would include contentious Irish republican feminist icon Constance Markievicz in their centenary suffrage commemorations, prompting the government of the Republic of Ireland to gift her portrait to the British parliament. While different in nature, these two events also shared some similarities, not least of these being the use of feminist memory by non-feminist actors. Certain feminist and non-feminist celebrations of feminism's legacies risk signifying that the feminist project is completed, thereby foreclosing alternative storytelling and inhibiting future feminist imaginaries. However, believing in the affirmative capacity of reflective and reflexive feminist remembering can help us to confront our own political and affective subjectivities to generate a more intersectional use of feminist memory that harnesses the power of past feminist radicalisms to imagine feminist futures that do not yet exist. Abstract: En 2020, pour célébrer le centenaire du droit de vote des femmes aux États-Unis, le président Donald J. Trump a accordé un pardon à titre posthume à Susan B. Anthony qui avait voté illégalement lors d'une élection en 1872. En 2018, le gouvernement britannique a annoncé qu'il inclurait l'icône contestée du féminisme républicain irlandais, Constance Markievicz, dans ses commémorations du centenaire du suffrage, incitant ainsi le gouvernement de la République d'Irlande à offrir un portrait de cette dernière au parlement britannique. Bien que de nature différente, ces deux événements partagent certaines similitudes, la plus importante étant notamment l'utilisation de la mémoire féministe par des acteurs non féministes. Certaines célébrations féministes et non féministes des héritages du féminisme risquent de laisser entendre que le projet féministe est achevé, excluant ainsi des récits alternatifs et inhibant les futurs imaginaires féministes. Cependant, croire en la capacité affirmative de la mémoire féministe réfléchie et réflexive peut nous aider à confronter nos propres subjectivités politiques et affectives à générer une utilisation plus intersectionnelle de la mémoire féministe qui exploite la puissance des radicalismes féministes passés pour imaginer des avenirs féministes qui n'existent pas encore.

Reading feminist theory as a complex imaginative achievement, Feminist Imagination considers feminist commitment through the interrogation of its philosophical, political and affective connections with the past, and especially with the `race' trials of the twentieth century. The book looks at: the 'directionlessness' of contemporary feminist thought; the question of essentialism and embodiment; the racial tensions in the work of Simone de Beauvoir; the totalitarian character in Hannah Arendt; the 'mimetic Jew' and the concept of mimesis in the work of Judith Butler. Vikki Bell provides a compe