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The Fiji Military have long-lasting political roles. Their ancestors, the Chiefs' warriors, were determining in making or maintaining the leaders. During the early colonial days, constituted in an Armed Native Constabulary, some of them were employed for the « pacification » of tribes resisting the British and missionary presence. In 1914, subjects of the Crown, they wanted to fight for the Queen, but the British Command refused these coloured men. The famous Ratu Sukuna enlisted in the French Foreign Legion. He later convinced the colonial authority to send a Labour Detachment of about one hundred Fijians to Europe. During the Second World War, thousands of Fijians fought in Bougainville and the Solomons. Despite the perilous situation, the Fijian losses were scarce, because of their skills and aptitudes. The impression they left was enduring: in the 1950s, London asked for a Fijian Battalion for the Malayan Campaign. In 1970, the new sovereign State turned the Fiji Defence Force into the Royal Fiji Military Forces, soon to participate in peacekeeping missions, becoming a powerful instrument of international policy. Since the beginning of the Fiji history, the Military Forces have been the strong support of the long-established customary leaders and Methodist Church, including by conducting the coup of 1987 with Sitiveni Rabuka to protect the traditional Melanesian interest. From the year 2000, behind Commodore Bainimarama, the Army reinforced its political role but completely changed its position, declaring to want equal rights and duties for all the citizens, and contesting the archaic customary power, until conducting the 2006 Coup that led to the current military regime. ; L'État fidjien est fortement marqué par le fait militaire et le militarisme. La société précoloniale était largement fondée sur la guerre et l'art de la faire. L'administration britannique et les missions chrétiennes ont fait cesser les conflits armés mais les Fidjiens, héritiers d'une puissante tradition guerrière, ont cherché à la ...

The Fiji Military have long-lasting political roles. Their ancestors, the Chiefs' warriors, were determining in making or maintaining the leaders. During the early colonial days, constituted in an Armed Native Constabulary, some of them were employed for the « pacification » of tribes resisting the British and missionary presence. In 1914, subjects of the Crown, they wanted to fight for the Queen, but the British Command refused these coloured men. The famous Ratu Sukuna enlisted in the French Foreign Legion. He later convinced the colonial authority to send a Labour Detachment of about one hundred Fijians to Europe. During the Second World War, thousands of Fijians fought in Bougainville and the Solomons. Despite the perilous situation, the Fijian losses were scarce, because of their skills and aptitudes. The impression they left was enduring: in the 1950s, London asked for a Fijian Battalion for the Malayan Campaign. In 1970, the new sovereign State turned the Fiji Defence Force into the Royal Fiji Military Forces, soon to participate in peacekeeping missions, becoming a powerful instrument of international policy. Since the beginning of the Fiji history, the Military Forces have been the strong support of the long-established customary leaders and Methodist Church, including by conducting the coup of 1987 with Sitiveni Rabuka to protect the traditional Melanesian interest. From the year 2000, behind Commodore Bainimarama, the Army reinforced its political role but completely changed its position, declaring to want equal rights and duties for all the citizens, and contesting the archaic customary power, until conducting the 2006 Coup that led to the current military regime. ; L'État fidjien est fortement marqué par le fait militaire et le militarisme. La société précoloniale était largement fondée sur la guerre et l'art de la faire. L'administration britannique et les missions chrétiennes ont fait cesser les conflits armés mais les Fidjiens, héritiers d'une puissante tradition guerrière, ont cherché à la ...

The Fiji Military have long-lasting political roles. Their ancestors, the Chiefs' warriors, were determining in making or maintaining the leaders. During the early colonial days, constituted in an Armed Native Constabulary, some of them were employed for the « pacification » of tribes resisting the British and missionary presence. In 1914, subjects of the Crown, they wanted to fight for the Queen, but the British Command refused these coloured men. The famous Ratu Sukuna enlisted in the French Foreign Legion. He later convinced the colonial authority to send a Labour Detachment of about one hundred Fijians to Europe. During the Second World War, thousands of Fijians fought in Bougainville and the Solomons. Despite the perilous situation, the Fijian losses were scarce, because of their skills and aptitudes. The impression they left was enduring: in the 1950s, London asked for a Fijian Battalion for the Malayan Campaign. In 1970, the new sovereign State turned the Fiji Defence Force into the Royal Fiji Military Forces, soon to participate in peacekeeping missions, becoming a powerful instrument of international policy. Since the beginning of the Fiji history, the Military Forces have been the strong support of the long-established customary leaders and Methodist Church, including by conducting the coup of 1987 with Sitiveni Rabuka to protect the traditional Melanesian interest. From the year 2000, behind Commodore Bainimarama, the Army reinforced its political role but completely changed its position, declaring to want equal rights and duties for all the citizens, and contesting the archaic customary power, until conducting the 2006 Coup that led to the current military regime. ; L'État fidjien est fortement marqué par le fait militaire et le militarisme. La société précoloniale était largement fondée sur la guerre et l'art de la faire. L'administration britannique et les missions chrétiennes ont fait cesser les conflits armés mais les Fidjiens, héritiers d'une puissante tradition guerrière, ont cherché à la ...

Les plantations fidjiennes d'acajou (Swietenia macrophylla) occupent une place particulière dans le schéma international de l'exploitation forestière et dans la société fidjienne en tant que ressource nationale de premier ordre. La première partie traite du contexte international de surexploitation de l'acajou sauvage, comment cette exploitation pose problème et comment elle contribue à positionner les plantations fidjiennes de façon avantageuse. L'échelle nationale est posée dans la deuxième partie pour tenir compte des paramètres insulaires particuliers tels la superficie limitée du territoire et la fragilité des écosystèmes dans le développement des plantations fidjiennes. La troisième partie témoigne du besoin d'appréhender les plantations fidjiennes d'acajou dans leur contexte sociopolitique et économique. La géographie culturelle permet de traiter de la fracture ethnique de Fidji ainsi que de la question des terres communales et des modes agricoles vivriers et rentiers pour y superposer adéquatement la trame qui concerne l'acajou fidjien. L'étude des plantations fidjiennes d'acajou implique forcément un jeu d'échelles, si bien qu'une approche holistique et interdisciplinaire apparaît nécessaire pour mieux saisir la dynamique des liens environnementaux, sociopolitiques et économiques s'articulant autour de ces plantations, seule façon de rendre justice à la complexité de la situation. ; From the mid 1990s to the beginning of the twenty-first century, big-leaf mahogany (Swietenia macrophylla) plantations have become a major economic and sociopolitical consideration in Fiji. Although they are of interest principally because of their economic value, this paper argues that environmental and sociopolitical aspects of the plantations must be taken into account. The first part considers the international scale illustrating that big-leaf mahogany is the most commercially important timber species in the Neotropic zone and is facing global overexploitation. This reality contributes to the advantageous position of planted Fiji mahogany. This much said, Fiji as an island state presents a number of distinctive parameters, notably a limited land surface and fragile ecosystems. The second part of this study elaborates on the history and management of Fiji mahogany in order to take into account their specific parameters. The third part will discuss the place mahogany plantations occupy in Fiji's economic and sociocultural configuration. Through a geocultural approach, the study focuses on the distinctive population dynamic in Fiji where ethnic Fijians and Indo-Fijians have cohabited for about four generations in a complex situation, notably with regard to indigenous land tenure, productive versus subsistence agriculture, rural versus urban societies and a colonial regime. The study concludes that an interdisciplinary and multi-scale approach clarifies the complex situation in which the Fiji mahogany plantations are being developed.

The Post-September 11,2001 years have been chartered in Melanesia by the direct re-engagement of the formal colonial powers (Australia and New Zealand) and by the obligation imposed on the young Oceanic states to implement neoliberal political and economic reforms. An "arc of instability" supposedly stretches from Timor to Fiji, with a string of "missing states" of which the deliction can only be addressed by military intervention and the establishment of structural adjustment plans recognised as a cure-all. This article sheds light on this turning point in international relations and policies to analyse its local achievements with respect to traditions, in a context in which Melanesian societies and cultures are now watched with an open critical eye by the training colonial powers. The decline of ethnocultural nationalisms in the region, enshered as state ideologies in the aftermath of independence, has a number of parallels with the current situation of biculturalism, a state institution in New Zealand since the 1980s, which is also now in crisis. ; International audience ; The Post-September 11,2001 years have been chartered in Melanesia by the direct re-engagement of the formal colonial powers (Australia and New Zealand) and by the obligation imposed on the young Oceanic states to implement neoliberal political and economic reforms. An "arc of instability" supposedly stretches from Timor to Fiji, with a string of "missing states" of which the deliction can only be addressed by military intervention and the establishment of structural adjustment plans recognised as a cure-all. This article sheds light on this turning point in international relations and policies to analyse its local achievements with respect to traditions, in a context in which Melanesian societies and cultures are now watched with an open critical eye by the training colonial powers. The decline of ethnocultural nationalisms in the region, enshered as state ideologies in the aftermath of independence, has a number of parallels with the ...

International audience ; Afin d'orienter le lecteur de la section thématique « Chefs du Pacifique », cette introduction propose de différencier le chef sacré du chef séculier et de les concevoir respectivement comme l'individu qui reçoit le respect et dispense des bénédictions au sein d'un ordre hiérarchique et ce même individu (ou tout autre individu) dans un contexte modifié qui lui confère un pouvoir politique et/ou économique et le place au sommet d'une stratification sociale. Les quatre articles montrent que cette distinction est devenue particulièrement utile après la colonisation.

International audience ; Afin d'orienter le lecteur de la section thématique « Chefs du Pacifique », cette introduction propose de différencier le chef sacré du chef séculier et de les concevoir respectivement comme l'individu qui reçoit le respect et dispense des bénédictions au sein d'un ordre hiérarchique et ce même individu (ou tout autre individu) dans un contexte modifié qui lui confère un pouvoir politique et/ou économique et le place au sommet d'une stratification sociale. Les quatre articles montrent que cette distinction est devenue particulièrement utile après la colonisation.

International audience ; The post-September 11,2001 years have been characterized in Melanesia by the direct re-engagement of the former colonial powers (Australia and New Zealand) and by the obligation imposed on the young Oceanic states to implement neoliberal political and economic "reforms". An "arc of instability" supposedly stretches from Timor to Fiji, with a string of "failed states" of which the dereliction can only be treated by military intervention and the establishment of structural adjustment plans considered as a cure-all. This article sheds light on this turning point in international relations and undertakes to analyze its local repercussions with respect to traditions, in a context in which Melanesian societies and cultures are now regarded with an openly critical eye by the former colonial powers. The decline of ethnocultural nationalisms in the region, enshrined as state ideologies in the aftermath of independence, has a number of parallels with the current situation of biculturalism, a state institution in New Zealand since the 1980s, which is also now in crisis.

The post-September 11,2001 years have been characterized in Melanesia by the direct re-engagement of the former colonial powers (Australia & New Zealand) & by the obligation imposed on the young Oceanic states to implement neoliberal political & economic "reforms." An "arc of instability" supposedly stretches from Timor to Fiji, with a string of "failed states" of which the dereliction can only be treated by military intervention & the establishment of structural adjustment plans considered as a cure-all. This article sheds light on this turning point in international relations & undertakes to analyze its local repercussions with respect to traditions, in a context in which Melanesian societies & cultures are now regarded with an openly critical eye by the former colonial powers. The decline of ethnocultural nationalisms in the region, enshrined as state ideologies in the aftermath of independence, has a number of parallels with the current situation of biculturalism, a state institution in New Zealand since the 1980s, which is also now in crisis. Adapted from the source document.