The purpose of this text is to present the results of a research in which the author analysed succeeding crisis situations that could constitute the basis for some of the changes in the political system of the EC/EU and subsequently made an attempt to delineate a certain scheme behind such behaviours. It is justified to seek the answer to the following question: What is the underlying reason for introducing changes in such situations and is it possible to pinpoint certain shared elements in different cases?To achieve that goal the author takes a closer look on the "empty chair" crisis, Schengen Area crisis and the recent financial crisis in Europe. In order to confirm the actual value of the conducted research, the author will make an attempt to relate his observations to the current geopolitical situation in Eastern Europe with reference to the EU competences in the existing political system.
The purpose of this text is to present the results of a research in which the author analysed succeeding crisis situations that could constitute the basis for some of the changes in the political system of the EC/EU and subsequently made an attempt to delineate a certain scheme behind such behaviours. It is justified to seek the answer to the following question: What is the underlying reason for introducing changes in such situations and is it possible to pinpoint certain shared elements in different cases?To achieve that goal the author takes a closer look on the "empty chair" crisis, Schengen Area crisis and the recent financial crisis in Europe. In order to confirm the actual value of the conducted research, the author will make an attempt to relate his observations to the current geopolitical situation in Eastern Europe with reference to the EU competences in the existing political system.
Effective regulation of the financial market is clearly crucial to innovation and the future success of the financial services industry and, in particular, FinTech companies. Prior to the global financial crisis, financial innovation was viewed very positively, resulting in many markets in the deregulatory approach to financial regulation. During the crisis, the regulatory pendulum swang to the other extreme. Dramatic technological change has spurred the development of financial technology companies (FinTech). FinTech and other financial services providers profoundly challenge the current regulatory paradigm. Financial regulators are increasingly seeking to balance the traditional regulatory approaches to financial stability and consumer protection with promoting growth and innovation. The resulting regulatory innovations include technology, innovation hubs, regulatory sandboxes, and special charters. This paper analyses new regulatory approaches, structured experimentalism (such as sandboxes), and the development of specific new regulatory frameworks.
The social economy sector is an important area of public policy implementation in social assistance and the labor market. Social economy entities have instruments of public financial support at their disposal, including returnable ones, enabling them to develop and achieve economic and social goals. During the COVID-19 pandemic, they received new support instruments of a unique nature compared to the existing solutions. An important issue is the flexibility of public policy responses and the ability to jointly - the public authority and the non-profit stakeholder community - to develop and implement support to protect this sector, which is sensitive to economic crises resulting from the consequences of operating restrictions during the COVID-19 pandemic. The social enterprise, or more broadly social entrepreneurship, is certainly one of the most fascinating innovations of recent decades, still eluding theoretically satisfactory explanation.
There is no doubt that the European Union, which is the result of European integration, is an unprecedented entity in the history of international relations. It is a symbol of a new, united Europe, which, after negative experiences, decided to become a safe continent, and therefore eliminate once and for all war from the life of its states and nations. Unfortunately, the idea of 'eternal peace,' which many politicians and philosophers dreamed about, has failed to be fully implemented to this day. Moreover, the recent war in the Balkans and the current Russian-Ukrainian war still make this idea impossible in international relations in Europe. The purpose of this paper is to present the European Union today, ten years after its 2004 enlargement by a further ten countries, including eight from the former Eastern bloc. The paper shows the strengths and weaknesses of the EU, which – although significantly strengthened by the Eastern enlargement – still cannot cope with many economic, political, social and international problems. The author of this paper tries to come up with answers to many questions concerning the present EU: why is this happening, what are the reasons for it and what are the prospects for the EU in the 21st century. The main thesis is that the EU needs overhauling, so it can continue to grow and be an engine of European integration. If this does not happen, though, the EU will begin to crumble and eventually disintegrate, or become no more than a free trade zone. ; There is no doubt that the European Union, which is the result of European integration, is an unprecedented entity in the history of international relations. It is a symbol of a new, united Europe, which, after negative experiences, decided to become a safe continent, and therefore eliminate once and for all war from the life of its states and nations. Unfortunately, the idea of 'eternal peace,' which many politicians and philosophers dreamed about, has failed to be fully implemented to this day. Moreover, the recent war in the Balkans and the current Russian-Ukrainian war still make this idea impossible in international relations in Europe. The purpose of this paper is to present the European Union today, ten years after its 2004 enlargement by a further ten countries, including eight from the former Eastern bloc. The paper shows the strengths and weaknesses of the EU, which – although significantly strengthened by the Eastern enlargement – still cannot cope with many economic, political, social and international problems. The author of this paper tries to come up with answers to many questions concerning the present EU: why is this happening, what are the reasons for it and what are the prospects for the EU in the 21st century. The main thesis is that the EU needs overhauling, so it can continue to grow and be an engine of European integration. If this does not happen, though, the EU will begin to crumble and eventually disintegrate, or become no more than a free trade zone.
The economic processes experienced by European Union member states are clearly simultaneous in that the relative increase in the GDP of Northern Europe coincides with the dissolving structures in the South, manifested both in economic collapse and social discontent. Unemployment and all kinds of adverse phenomena that are related to it provide a foundation for dangerous conflicts, capable of disorganizing and devastating any society. Such conflicts are frequently augmented by structural and institutional crises, in particular in the areas devoid of innovative stimuli where production capacity is underused and alternatives absent. Apart from the negative economic development that has affected all countries to some extent, it is equally important to address the area of social relations comprising labor market and challenges related to the new form of social system where all the parties to the dispute are obliged to coexist. ; Procesy zachodzące w gospodarce państw tworzących Unię Europejską cechuje wyraźna symultaniczność, względny progres PKB odnotowywany w Europie Północnej kontrastuje z dysolucją struktur na Południu, postrzeganym zarówno poprzez pryzmat załamania gospodarki, jak i implozję niezadowolenia społecznego. Bezrobocie i towarzyszące temu zjawisku negatywne aspekty tworzą niebezpieczną bazę konfliktów, dezorganizujących i wyniszczających każde społeczeństwo. Wydarzenia te niejednokrotnie pogłębia kryzys strukturalny i instytucjonalny, szczególnie mocno identyfikowany z obszarami pozbawionymi bodźców innowacyjności, oparty na niewykorzystaniu mocy wytwórczych i braku alternatyw. Obok inwersji rozwoju gospodarczego, w mniejszym lub większym stopniu dotykającym wszystkie kraje, nie mniej ważną jest płaszczyzna relacji społecznych, która w swoim zasięgu obejmuje zagadnienia dotyczące rynku pracy i wyzwań dotyczących budowy nowego kształtu ustroju społecznego, obligując wszystkie podmioty sporu do koabitacji.
Nie ulega wątpliwości, że Unia Europejska, będąca efektem europejskiej integracji jest w historii stosunków międzynarodowych bezprecedensowym podmiotem. Jest symbolem nowej, jednoczącej się Europy, która po negatywnych doświadczeniach postanowiła stać się kontynentem bezpiecznym, a więc wyeliminować raz na zawsze wojnę z życia jej państw i narodów. Niestety, idei "wiecznego pokoju", o czym marzyło wielu polityków i filozofów do dnia dzisiejszego nie udało się do końca zmaterializować. Co więcej, niedawne wojny na Bałkanach i obecna wojna rosyjsko-ukraińska wciąż uniemożliwiają wprowadzenie tej idei do stosunków międzynarodowych w Europie. Celem niniejszego artykułu jest pokazanie Unii Europejskiej dziś, po dziesięciu latach od poszerzenia w 2004 roku jej składu o kolejne dziesięć państw, w tym aż osiem z byłego bloku wschodniego. Artykuł ten ukazuje atuty i słabości UE, która choć uległa dzięki temu poszerzeniu na Wschód daleko idącemu wzmocnieniu, to jednak dziś nie radzi sobie z wieloma problemami ekonomicznymi, politycznymi, społecznymi i międzynarodowymi. W artykule próbuję dać odpowiedź na wiele pytań dotyczących współczesnej UE, m.in. dlaczego tak się dzieje i jakie są tego przyczyny oraz jakie dla niej są perspektywy w XXI wieku. Tezą główną jest tutaj stwierdzenie, że UE wymaga kapitalnego remontu tak, aby mogła dalej rozwijać się i być motorem integracji Europy. Jeśli zaś to nie nastąpi, to UE zacznie się rozpadać i w końcu rozpadnie się lub stanie się co najwyżej strefą wolnego handlu. ; There is no doubt that the European Union, which is the result of European integration is unprecedented subject in the history of international relations. It is a symbol of a new, united Europe, which after negative experiences decided to become a safe continent, and therefore eliminate once and for all war of life of its states and nations. Unfortunately, the idea of "eternal peace", which many politicians and philosophers dreamed about failed to fully materialize to this day. Moreover, the recent war in the Balkans and the current Russian-Ukrainian war still make this idea impossible to impose into the international relations in Europe. The purpose of this article is to present the European Union today, ten years after its enlargement of further ten countries, including eight from the former Eastern bloc in 2004. This article shows the strengths and weaknesses of the EU, which, although through far enlarge to the East strengthened itself, still cannot cope with many economic, political, social and international problems. I try to answer in this text on many questions relating today's EU: why is this happening, what are the reasons for it and what are the prospects for the EU in the XXI century. The thesis main assertion here is that the EU needs overhauling, so it can continue to grow and be an engine of European integration. But if this does not happen, the EU will begin to crumble and eventually disintegrate or become no more than a free trade zone.
Nie ulega wątpliwości, że Unia Europejska, będąca efektem europejskiej integracji jest w historii stosunków międzynarodowych bezprecedensowym podmiotem. Jest symbolem nowej, jednoczącej się Europy, która po negatywnych doświadczeniach postanowiła stać się kontynentem bezpiecznym, a więc wyeliminować raz na zawsze wojnę z życia jej państw i narodów. Niestety, idei "wiecznego pokoju", o czym marzyło wielu polityków i filozofów do dnia dzisiejszego nie udało się do końca zmaterializować. Co więcej, niedawne wojny na Bałkanach i obecna wojna rosyjsko-ukraińska tę ideę wciąż uniemożliwiają wprowadzić do stosunków międzynarodowych w Europie. Celem niniejszego artykułu jest pokazanie Unii Europejskiej dziś, po dziesięciu latach od poszerzenia w 2004 roku jej składu o kolejne dziesięć państw, w tym aż osiem z byłego bloku wschodniego. Artykuł ten ukazuje atuty i słabości UE, która choć uległa dzięki temu poszerzeniu na Wschód daleko idącemu wzmocnieniu, to jednak dziś nie radzi sobie z wieloma problemami ekonomicznymi, politycznymi, społecznymi i międzynarodowymi. W artykule próbuję dać odpowiedź na wiele pytań dotyczących współczesnej UE, m.in. dlaczego tak się dzieje i jakie są tego przyczyny oraz jakie dla niej są perspektywy w XXI wieku. Tezą główną jest tutaj stwierdzenie, że UE wymaga kapitalnego remontu, tak, aby mogła dalej rozwijać się i być motorem integracji Europy. Jeśli zaś to nie nastąpi, to UE zacznie się rozpadać i w końcu rozpadnie się lub stanie się co najwyżej strefą wolnego handlu. ; There is no doubt that the European Union, which is the result of European integration, is an unprecedented entity in the history of international relations. It is a symbol of a new, united Europe, which, after negative experiences, decided to become a safe continent, and therefore eliminate once and for all war from the life of its states and nations. Unfortunately, the idea of 'eternal peace,' which many politicians and philosophers dreamed about, has failed to be fully implemented to this day. Moreover, the recent war in the Balkans and the current Russian-Ukrainian war still make this idea impossible in international relations in Europe. The purpose of this paper is to present the European Union today, ten years after its 2004 en-largement by a further ten countries, including eight from the former Eastern bloc. The paper shows the strengths and weaknesses of the EU, which - although significantly strengthened by the Eastern enlargement - still cannot cope with many economic, political, social and international problems. The author of this paper tries to come up with answers to many questions concerning the present EU: why is this happening, what are the reasons for it and what are the prospects for the EU in the 21st century. The main thesis is that the EU needs overhauling, so it can continue to grow and be an engine of European integration. If this does not happen, though, the EU will begin to crumble and eventually disintegrate, or become no more than a free trade zone.
Non profit organizations play important role in every democratic country. Their role is even bigger when given economy has to cope with different problems, because organizations support these spheres of social life that are neglected by the state. In this paper condition of American non profit sector between 2006 and 2009 is discussed. As a result of conducted analysis of The Center on Philanthropy at Indiana University reports and information from The Internal Revenue Service it turns that, despite the crisis time, non profit organizations are in good shape. It is connected with a big engagement of almost the whole American society that supports organizations in financial way as well as giving time and work. Such big social support non profit organizations stems both from conviction, that this is a pattern of real American society, and from beneficial tax solutions. ; Non profit organizations play important role in every democratic country. Their role is even bigger when given economy has to cope with different problems, because organizations support these spheres of social life that are neglected by the state. In this paper condition of American non profit sector between 2006 and 2009 is discussed. As a result of conducted analysis of The Center on Philanthropy at Indiana University reports and information from The Internal Revenue Service it turns that, despite the crisis time, non profit organizations are in good shape. It is connected with a big engagement of almost the whole American society that supports organizations in financial way as well as giving time and work. Such big social support non profit organizations stems both from conviction, that this is a pattern of real American society, and from beneficial tax solutions.
Non profit organizations play important role in every democratic country. Their role is even bigger when given economy has to cope with different problems, because organizations support these spheres of social life that are neglected by the state. In this paper condition of American non profit sector between 2006 and 2009 is discussed. As a result of conducted analysis of The Center on Philanthropy at Indiana University reports and information from The Internal Revenue Service it turns that, despite the crisis time, non profit organizations are in good shape. It is connected with a big engagement of almost the whole American society that supports organizations in financial way as well as giving time and work. Such big social support non profit organizations stems both from conviction, that this is a pattern of real American society, and from beneficial tax solutions. ; Non profit organizations play important role in every democratic country. Their role is even bigger when given economy has to cope with different problems, because organizations support these spheres of social life that are neglected by the state. In this paper condition of American non profit sector between 2006 and 2009 is discussed. As a result of conducted analysis of The Center on Philanthropy at Indiana University reports and information from The Internal Revenue Service it turns that, despite the crisis time, non profit organizations are in good shape. It is connected with a big engagement of almost the whole American society that supports organizations in financial way as well as giving time and work. Such big social support non profit organizations stems both from conviction, that this is a pattern of real American society, and from beneficial tax solutions.
The essential objective of the paper is to present the German model of social policy as compared to the social solutions adopted in the European Union. The author analyzes the transformations of social policy, established by virtue of the Treaty on the European Union, The Nice Treaty and Lisbon Treaty, among other documents. The further part of the paper presents the main assumptions of the German model of the welfare state. The author concludes with a suggestion that, at a time of global financial crisis, both the European Union and Germany will need to change their social policies. ; The essential objective of the paper is to present the German model of social policy as compared to the social solutions adopted in the European Union. The author analyzes the transformations of social policy, established by virtue of the Treaty on the European Union, The Nice Treaty and Lisbon Treaty, among other documents. The further part of the paper presents the main assumptions of the German model of the welfare state. The author concludes with a suggestion that, at a time of global financial crisis, both the European Union and Germany will need to change their social policies.
The article concerns the issue of the hospitality market development from the perspective of changes taking place in the economy of the 21st century as well as in the economic policy pursued at the level of states and integration groups. For this purpose, an analysis of changes in the supply of hotel services, the demand for hotel services and potential management efficiency of hotel facilities was conducted. To investigate the changes taking place in the hotel industry the basic instruments of economic analysis were used which allowed to analyze the dynamics and the structure of the examined phenomena against a background of the wider economic processes.
The current financial crisis has significantly highlighted the issue of leadership in the European Union. The topic is both timely and worthy of analysis. The author tries to outline the theoretical approach to political leadership with regard to the current political scene in the European Union. A politician has to meet four criteria to be deemed a leader: his decisions are strategic, they exert permanent influence, he has a sufficient political background, and he has the highest position in a given political composition. The author makes the following hypothesis: on the basis of factor analysis (as regards the four factors above) only two current politicians are the true leaders of the EU, namely the Chancellor of Germany, Angela Merkel, and the President of France, Francois Hollande. Both politicians meet the four attributes presented gabove to at least the minimum degree, thus becoming (international) EU leaders. The paper also discusses the issue of distinguishing between an (international) statesman and (international) leader. ; The current financial crisis has significantly highlighted the issue of leadership in the European Union. The topic is both timely and worthy of analysis. The author tries to outline the theoretical approach to political leadership with regard to the current political scene in the European Union. A politician has to meet four criteria to be deemed a leader: his decisions are strategic, they exert permanent influence, he has a sufficient political background, and he has the highest position in a given political composition. The author makes the following hypothesis: on the basis of factor analysis (as regards the four factors above) only two current politicians are the true leaders of the EU, namely the Chancellor of Germany, Angela Merkel, and the President of France, Francois Hollande. Both politicians meet the four attributes presented gabove to at least the minimum degree, thus becoming (international) EU leaders. The paper also discusses the issue of distinguishing between an (international) statesman and (international) leader.
The main aim of the article is to present and analyze the evolution of Greek policy towards the Balkans from the end of the Cold War to the present day. The article uses the chronological-descriptive method and a case study. The article indicates that initially Greek policy in the region was reactive, conservative, nationalist, and based on cooperation with the Serbian government of Milosevich, which led to the marginalization of its importance in the Balkans. Only the Europeanization of Greek politics and the reliance on Euro- Atlantic structures strengthens Athens' position among its Balkan neighbors. Undoubtedly, the financial crisis hampered the effectiveness of Greece's Balkan policy, which is currently ambitiously rebuilding its image as an advocate of the Balkan states in the EU and NATO.
Gerhard Schröder's appointment as Chancellor of Germany in 1998 marked the first clear signs of Germany's emancipation from the EU's decision-making center in Brussels. It was, however, only after 2008, when the global economic crisis resonated across Europe, that Berlin maturely redefined its European policy priorities. Following that, the federal government gained more confidence in applying international policy tools to protect the German raison d'état in the Old Continent. For this reason Chancellor Angela Merkel has made the struggle with the financial problems of the eurozone one of the priorities of her second-term in office. The quality of bilateral cooperation between the leaders of Germany and France plays an important role in this respect, especially in view of Nicolas Sarkozy's defeat in the latest presidential election. François Hollande has already proved that Paris has a different attitudeto the issue of the redistribution of the eurozone members' debt than Germany, and reaching a consensus will require the CDU leader to be more submissive than before. Angela Merkel is aware of the ongoing reconfiguration of European political alliances, therefore she is prepared to soften Germany's diplomatic language to maintain the stability of the European currency, to which Germany owes its current position in Community decision-making structures. The main focus of this paper is to explore the formula of "European solidarity" of Germany in the context of the eurozone debt crisis, with particular emphasis on the case of the Hellenic Republic. Angela Merkel's standpoint is tested in the context of German-French cooperation with respect to the eurozone debt clearing policy. ; Gerhard Schröder's appointment as Chancellor of Germany in 1998 marked the first clear signs of Germany's emancipation from the EU's decision-making center in Brussels. It was, however, only after 2008, when the global economic crisis resonated across Europe, that Berlin maturely redefined its European policy priorities. Following that, the federal government gained more confidence in applying international policy tools to protect the German raison d'état in the Old Continent. For this reason Chancellor Angela Merkel has made the struggle with the financial problems of the eurozone one of the priorities of her second-term in office. The quality of bilateral cooperation between the leaders of Germany and France plays an important role in this respect, especially in view of Nicolas Sarkozy's defeat in the latest presidential election. François Hollande has already proved that Paris has a different attitudeto the issue of the redistribution of the eurozone members' debt than Germany, and reaching a consensus will require the CDU leader to be more submissive than before. Angela Merkel is aware of the ongoing reconfiguration of European political alliances, therefore she is prepared to soften Germany's diplomatic language to maintain the stability of the European currency, to which Germany owes its current position in Community decision-making structures. The main focus of this paper is to explore the formula of "European solidarity" of Germany in the context of the eurozone debt crisis, with particular emphasis on the case of the Hellenic Republic. Angela Merkel's standpoint is tested in the context of German-French cooperation with respect to the eurozone debt clearing policy.
