Suchergebnisse

Ross, A. R.: Canada and the world at risk: depression, war and isolationism for the 21st century? - S. 1-24. Potter, E. H.: Niche diplomacy and Canadian foreign policy. - S. 25-38. David, C.-Ph.; Roussel, S.: Une espece en voie de disparition? La politique de puissance moyenne du Canada apres la guerre froide. - S. 39-68. Huebert, R.: Canada and the Law of the Sea Convention. - S. 69-88. Denholm Crosby, A.: The print media's shaping of the security discourse: cruise missile testing, SDI and NORAD. - S. 89-117. Fergusson, J.; Levesque, B.: The best laid plans: Canada's proposal for a United Nations rapid reaction capability. - S. 118-141

There has been a growing pressure on foreign policy-makers in Canada and other societies to pay more attention to religion as they study international relations, formulate policies, conduct diplomacy, and deliver programs abroad. This pressure is multifaceted and has both domestic and international sources. Yet, for a variety of reasons, "negotiating the religious dimension" abroad carries important caveats. The purpose of this paper is to review the rationale for including religion in the policy process and to work through some of the methodological and normative challenges this endeavour represents for scholars and practitioners. It argues for a modest facilitative approach to creating safe and inclusive forums within which ideas with religious dimensions could be broached and contested.

Asian-Americans and American Foreign Policy.
Myron WEINER
It is legitimate in the United States for naturalized citizens to seek to influence their adopted country's foreign policy on behalf of their country of origin. There are three reasons : (1) the American legal framework regarding constitutional rights ;
(2) the system of separation of powers which assigns Congress a role in foreign policy ; and (3) a widely shared ideology. There are historically well-established patterns of foreign policy involvement by Americans of European origin. This article shows how 4.5 million Americans of Asian extraction — Filipinos, Chinese, Japanese, Vietnamese, Laotians, Kampucheans, Koreans, and Asian Indians — follow similar patterns of behavior. Three patterns are identified : (1) migrants press the U.S. to pursue policies beneficial to their home country ; (2) migrants are hostile to the regime of their country of origin, often for its human rights violations ; and
(3) migrants who were ethnic minorities at home support their ethnic kinfolk seeking greater autonomy or independence.

Résumé Après huit ans de « doctrine Bush » basée sur une stratégie coûteuse et infructueuse de démocratisation du Moyen-Orient faite d'action unilatérale, de guerre préventive, l'administration Obama aura un lourd héritage à assumer. Que restera-t-il de cette stratégie après Bush ? Même si Obama a déclaré vouloir poursuivre le « freedom agenda » (notamment en Afghanistan), la nouvelle donne des relations internationales et la piètre image laissée par son prédécesseur dans le monde le conduiront certainement à réorienter la politique étrangère américaine vers un multilatéralisme réaliste et pragmatique.

How can the foreign policy of a State like Cameroon be systematically assessed? The literature on diplomacy and on foreign policy analysis seem to agree, on the one hand, on the fact that the later belongs to the public policy analysis domain and, therefore, on the other hand, on the difficulty in assessing it. This, due to its particularity, groomed, among other things, in its great reactivity to the international situation and its temporal permanence. Thus, the question of the timing and criteria for assessing foreign policy has remained an unknown to be resolved. This work attempts to unravel the tangle of the possibility or not of a (systematic) assessment of foreign policy, based on the example of Cameroon. It then determines, in order to achieve this, in a complex approach, the criteria of assessibility, including that of starting not from a heavy and plural organization such as a ministry, department or agency, but from a monolithic and complete institutional role like that of President of the Republic, Head of State. It proceeds by exploiting a corpus of speeches archived over twenty years and by adopting the approach of graphic modeling and mapping, all in a hypothetico-inductive perspective specific to the sociology of International Relations. The results arrived at the end of the application of this new assessment model, show that Cameroon's foreign policy, apprehended from the diplomatic discourse, had: 1) a high Western geodiplomatic perspective, with strong roots in Western Europe and France; 2) a relatively average African geodiplomatic perspective, limited to Nigeria (bilateral diplomacy) and in Gabon and Ethiopia (multilateral diplomacy); 3) a weak Asian geodiplomatic perspective, limited to bilateral diplomacy and China. Moreover, over the period under review, Central and South America, SouthEast Asia, Oceania, the Middle East and North Africa remained diplomatic grey areas, and therefore areas of lesser interest to Cameroonian foreign policy. Cultural Africa remains neglected, while ...

How can the foreign policy of a State like Cameroon be systematically assessed? The literature on diplomacy and on foreign policy analysis seem to agree, on the one hand, on the fact that the later belongs to the public policy analysis domain and, therefore, on the other hand, on the difficulty in assessing it. This, due to its particularity, groomed, among other things, in its great reactivity to the international situation and its temporal permanence. Thus, the question of the timing and criteria for assessing foreign policy has remained an unknown to be resolved. This work attempts to unravel the tangle of the possibility or not of a (systematic) assessment of foreign policy, based on the example of Cameroon. It then determines, in order to achieve this, in a complex approach, the criteria of assessibility, including that of starting not from a heavy and plural organization such as a ministry, department or agency, but from a monolithic and complete institutional role like that of President of the Republic, Head of State. It proceeds by exploiting a corpus of speeches archived over twenty years and by adopting the approach of graphic modeling and mapping, all in a hypothetico-inductive perspective specific to the sociology of International Relations. The results arrived at the end of the application of this new assessment model, show that Cameroon's foreign policy, apprehended from the diplomatic discourse, had: 1) a high Western geodiplomatic perspective, with strong roots in Western Europe and France; 2) a relatively average African geodiplomatic perspective, limited to Nigeria (bilateral diplomacy) and in Gabon and Ethiopia (multilateral diplomacy); 3) a weak Asian geodiplomatic perspective, limited to bilateral diplomacy and China. Moreover, over the period under review, Central and South America, SouthEast Asia, Oceania, the Middle East and North Africa remained diplomatic grey areas, and therefore areas of lesser interest to Cameroonian foreign policy. Cultural Africa remains neglected, while ...