This article addresses the issue of populist foreign policy in Argentina and employs a multi-methods research that combines discourse analysis, foreign policy analysis, and historical political reconstruction of Kirchnerism. Theoretically, we refer to populism as an "Ideational Approach" and we consider Destradi and Plegaman's thematic lines in order to investigate populism in world politics. Throughout the paper, we argue that left-wing populist foreign policy does not discriminate against international cooperation and globalization per se but in a Manichean vision of the world, it criticizes western rich countries, and proposes the creation of new regional alliances.
Satisfied with some important progress being made in health care reform on the home front, these past few days President Obama turned his full attention to foreign policy. In a week packed with international speeches, bilateral meetings and joint declarations, he succeeded in establishing a new ambitious agenda for international cooperation and wasted no time in getting started. In his speech to the UN, he outlined his main foreign policy goals based on four pillars: non-proliferation, climate change, Middle East peace and economic stability. He spoke clearly about his determination to put an end to the international skepticism and distrust the United States faced during the Bush years and enumerated the changes already made: banning the use of torture, closing the Guantánamo base, drawing down forces in Iraq, renewing efforts in the Arab-Israeli conflict by naming a special envoy, seriously addressing climate change and abandoning plans for a land-based missile defense in Eastern Europe. He challenged other leaders to respond in kind by joining US efforts at non-proliferation, fighting terrorism, taking measures to reduce greenhouse gas emissions and combating poverty. A day later in Pittsburgh for the G-20 summit, the President, flanked by British Prime Minister Gordon Brown and French President Sarkozy, revealed a new nuclear facility built by Iran in the city of Qum and called for further sanctions on the Islamic Republic. This well-timed revelation is supposed to give the administration some more leverage when talks with the Iranians start later this week. As it happens, the US had known about this new uranium enriching plant for more than a year but had kept the information secret for later use. In Pittsburgh, with France and Britain safely on his side, the President had further opportunity to press the other two members of the UN Security Council, Russia and China, to cooperate with the new sanctions regime that will most likely include imports of refined oil into Iran. While Russia appears to be leaning towards cooperation (perhaps as a quid pro quo of Obama's decision not to deploy the anti-missile defense system in Poland and Czech Republic), it is not as yet clear whether the Chinese will too. This week has been a good one for China, which seems to be coming of age as an international player both in climate change and as a partner for economic stability in the G-20. But the revelation at Qum was certainly a pre-emptive coup that put the Iranians on the defensive, and gave Obama an opportunity to publicly test the other Permanent Members of the Security Council to prove their commitment to non-proliferation.As the United States moves aggressively to engage with the rest of the world and vows to renew its pledge to international law and institutions, the expectation is that others will take their share of responsibility and respond to global challenges. Obama's moral authority flows not only from what he says, and how he says it, but also by virtue of who he is: in his case, the man is the message and the intended drastic cut with his predecessor could not be more apparent. However, as Realists constantly remind us, foreign policy is about national interest defined as power, and while the change of tone and of emissary is well-noted, we are likely to see some change, but also a lot of continuity in US foreign policy. Barack Obama's first speech at the United Nations General Assembly was well-received around the world but had less impact on a home audience whose main concerns are unemployment, health care reform and economic recovery. Inevitably, the usual suspects accused him of treason for recognizing America's past mistakes in public and for socializing with tyrants. Others denounced his narcissistic impulses, for trying to portray American foreign policy as "all about Obama". While it is easy to dismiss the extreme critics, it is important for the rest of the world to realize how much the United Nations' legitimacy and prestige has suffered in the United States during the last ten years, and not only due to derisions by Bolton and Bush. TV images of the UN headquarters in New York seem distant and irrelevant to most Americans, who view the organization as an anachronistic shibboleth that embodies all fluff and no substance and whose activities are hard to take seriously in most cases, be it when it deals with Rwanda, Darfur or with Iranian sanctions. At this year's opening session, the General Assembly room, with a badly lit podium and a very unbecoming blue-greenish background, was showing its age in spite of a 2002 facelift (it was built in 1952). And while Obama was as dynamic and articulate as usual, his televised speech was followed by that of Mohammad Khadafy from Libya, which lasted one hour and a half and included bizarre statements and phrases that can only be accounted for by a serious onset of senility. Besides calling for a UN investigation of John F. Kennedy's assassination, and surreally complaining about how far most of those present had had to travel to get to New York (was jetlag his excuse to explain away his own state of mental confusion?), he repeatedly called President Obama "my son" (I cringed at imagining the right wing blogs reaction to that) and referred to the UN Security Council as the "Terror Council". His difficulty to find a place in New York where he would be allowed to pitch his tent was followed with amusement by the media and further added to his own oddity, and by extension, to the inadequacy of the UN as a serious forum. While later Prime Minister Netanyahu's excellent, Churchill-like speech brought the audience back to the 21st century and restored some respectability to the venue, the UN lost credibility again when Iranian president Ahmadinejad went on a new rant later in the day and again and proceeded once more to deny the Holocaust's existence. In addition to this rarified atmosphere, the main foreign policy topic that is of concern for the American public, and the one that would have made them pay attention, namely, the war in Afghanistan was hardly mentioned by Obama in this occasion. After eight years of war in Afghanistan, the effort seems to be unraveling on all fronts. European NATO members, whose soldiers are fighting and dying in Afghanistan, are unwilling or unable to commit more troops; the Taliban has renewed its offensives with new intensity in the south and the east of the country, and the Afghan election was plagued with corruption, proving what many already suspected, that President Hamid Karzai is an extremely unreliable partner and a corrupt leader who will not be able to hold the country together. At the same time, Al Qaeda has found refuge in neighboring Pakistan so the US initial counterterrorist mission, namely to hunt down and exterminate Al Qaeda, has mutated into one of counterinsurgency against an indigenous group, the Taliban, fighting against the government and the foreign forces to regain its power. All this in a country that has never been a nation, a narco-state whose economic base is the production and trafficking of opium, and where several empires, from the Macedonians to the British and the Soviets were once defeated. The President's plan so far has been to train the Afghan army so that it can hold off the Taliban, support government institutions, gain the trust of villagers and create structures of governance in rural areas so that Al Qaeda won't be able to move in again. This week a Pentagon memo by General Crystal was leaked by Bob Woodward of Watergate fame. Published in the Washington Post on September 21st, it presents a grim picture of the war and warns that success is uncertain. It calls for new resources and a new counterinsurgency campaign. While the number of troops requested is not specified, it warns that "under-resourcing" the effort could be fatal. Woodward, never one to sell himself short, has called his leaked memo the equivalent of the 1971 Pentagon Papers leaked by Daniel Ellsberg in the New York Times, which revealed the expansion of the Vietnam War from 1965 on, that had been kept secret from the American public. Of course the memo is not the equivalent of Ellsberg and Russo's revelations, but still, it refocused attention on the intractability of this war. The President's response has been that after the Afghan election, the White House is re-assessing its strategy and that until he is satisfied with a new strategy he will not send more troops. It is clear that the administration is having doubts about a conflict it once called a war of necessity. Public opinion is also turning against what will soon be the longest war in American history, as casualties continue to increase and there is no end in sight. As the term "military surge" is being increasingly used to denote McCrystal's new demands, comparisons with the war in Iraq are inevitable. Similarly to the Iraq war, elections have represented a turning point. But the surge in Iraq began with the so-called Sunni awakening, when the Iraqis themselves decided they had had enough of the violence and organized against those that insisted on it (mainly outsiders, Al Qaeda-in-Iraq). Also, in Iraq's leader Al-Maliki, the US found a relatively reliable and legitimate partner, one who instigated the political class to resolve their differences by political means. Finally, Iraq had an economic base that could be restored to produce substantial national wealth, and a mostly urban, well-educated population with some institutional experience. In contrast, Afghanistan is a mainly rural country, a tribal society which repudiates any attempts at centralization and profoundly distrusts the government in Kabul more, in some cases, than the foreign troops. The central government is rotten and weak, Karzai an unreliable leader who stole the election and whose brother is the head of the drug mafia. Can more US troops make up for all these weaknesses?Obama is thus in a delicate situation: he can't be "at war" with his own generals (indeed, General McCrystal was appointed by Obama only in March, after he dismissed the previous general in charge). On the other hand, if he allows more troops to be deployed, there is danger that Afghanistan may become his Vietnam. He therefore needs to choose between continuing a counterinsurgency operation, training more Afghan forces, protecting the local populations, getting into their villages and gaining their trust, or withdrawing ground troops and focusing on counter-terrorism, using drones and other off-shore means and special forces to go after the terrorist bases. Vice-President Biden is advocating a middle ground strategy: leaving enough troops on the ground to prevent Al Qaeda from returning to Afghanistan, but redefining the mission as one of narrow counter-terrorism and move away from nation-building and a protracted counter-insurgency operation that would signify more US casualties and more discontent at home. After all, the main reason why the US went to Afghanistan was to confront and eliminate Al Qaeda, which has since then moved across the border to the tribal areas of Pakistan. As several domestic arrests have demonstrated this week, Al Qaeda threats are just as likely to come from Springfield Illinois, Queens New York or Dallas Texas as from abroad or from the virtual Al Qaeda organizing through the worldwide web. Recalibrating his approach to Afghanistan is thus imperative, and it must be done for the right reasons, regardless of personal gain or saving face.Obama has had a very successful September, but his ambitious agenda both at home and abroad faces many pitfalls ahead. A youthful president, brimming with self-confidence, with a huge electoral mandate and with the best team of experts in history, can still be thwarted by unsolvable problems, domestic and foreign enemies and by serendipity itself. As a student of history and a John F Kennedy admirer, Obama knows this, and he should measure his decisions and temper his ambitions accordingly. Senior Lecturer, Department of Political Science and Geography Director, ODU Model United Nations Program Old Dominion University, Norfolk, Virginia
This thesis aims to identify how scientists who belong to epistemic communities promote the development of scientific diplomacy activities within the framework of US and German foreign policy towards Colombia. Its main objective is to identify the conditions that allow the members of these communities to develop processes of scientific cooperation through different international governmental agencies. This research project seeks to contribute to the discipline of International Relations, identifying new actors and cooperative actions that contribute to foreign policy. This study uses a Constructivist theoretical approach, employing qualitative methods to highlight the importance of members of epistemic communities to scientific diplomacy. To this end, this study analyzes some historical and current examples within different areas of knowledge within the context of bilateral relations with Colombia, in order to illustrate the development of scientific cooperation processes between the United States, Germany and Colombia. ; Centro de Estudios Estadounidenses
Review of the book by Roberto Dominguez, EU Foreign Policy Towards Latin America, Hampshire: Palgrave Macmillan, 2015. ; Reseña del libro de Roberto Dominguez, EU Foreign Policy Towards Latin America, Hampshire: Palgrave Macmillan, 2015.
The announcement of Sweden's adherence to a feminist perspective on its foreign policy contributed to the gender agenda debate being broadened internationally. Therefore, it is considered important to analyze, from the South, how feminist foreign policy (FFP) has modified the discourses on traditional practices in foreign policy. In order to carry out this study, the Swedish International Cooperation agenda was selected as a case to be examined. This research takes into account that the debate on gender and development has been articulated at least since the 1970s, and several contributions have underlined the need to question the power patterns involving the cooperation policies of the countries from North to South (Aguinaga et al, 2011). Moreover, over the years countless alternatives to traditional and hierarchical practices of cooperation have been articulated by feminist women in both the South and the global North. Given that Sweden adopted, as part of the feminist paradigm, the habit of carrying out a review of its policies, this study is developed from an analysis of Swedish rhetoric in the document on FFP policy practices released in 2017. Taking into account the narrative of seven themes, the extent to which there has been an insertion of the debates developed by Southern Feminisms in discourses on practices is debated. In the first part of this article, a theoretical review is carried out on the debate around the construction of feminist solidarity in international politics (Mohanty, 2003; 2008). It is understood that the category of women was included in the cooperation programs and policies through the process of homogenization of differences; that is, it was based on a universal assumption about feminist demands, without including the perspectives of the states receiving policies. Thus, a process of naturalization and generalization on the discursive performance and international practice on North-South cooperation was established. This has resulted in an elaboration on women of the North and South in opposite directions, in which there is an idea that one has to teach the other how to achieve gender equality. The argument of this study is that an FFP pursues the goal of building a shared relationship, in which cooperation is an interaction without hierarchies between the states involved; that is, there is a feminist solidarity in the construction of policies. In other words, it seeks to identify the differences around gender issues and the category of women, adding them to political perspectives and thus developing more universal international approaches. While this should be an objective pursued by a FFP, and while there has also been discussion of what happens in traditional cooperation practices and discourses, northern countries tend to homogenize differences between women. This is done in line with neoliberal feminist perspectives, and does not include analyses of the patriarchal structure that promotes gender coloniality and generates subinclusive and superinclusive policies (Crenshaw, 2002). In the second part of the article, the Swedish context that contributed to the elaboration of a paradigmatic feminist policy is presented. The country's women's social movements have had the capacity to articulate with the state over the years, which has accessed the welfare state and encouraged governments to assume discourses and policies that provide gender equality. The basis of this action is the formulation of the Swedish welfare state, which has elaborated domestically movement towards gender equality, and included social feminist demands in the formulation of public policies. In 2014, this perspective was formally placed in international politics and, consequently, in the country's agendas, such as international development cooperation. With regard to this context of progress, the Swedish 2017 document was analyzed, seeking to identify elements that would point to a reproduction of the traditional perspective of cooperation in the country's rhetoric on the effectiveness of cooperation. This is where the actors of the North are the majority in the agreements, and where there is no discursive representation of the demands of the collectives of the South nor the processes of joint construction with the receiving countries. In the study, it was possible to verify, like Nylund (2017), that the feminist foreign policy of Sweden produces totally feminist discourses, but also post-colonial rhetoric. In the feminist sense, we highlight the articulation capacity of feminism between the Swedish state and the feminist movements of the country in order to recognize, as in Llistar (2009), that when a country has the capacity to absorb the demands of social collectives in its international agendas -in the case of cooperation- it can be said that it is a cooperation of solidarity with low selfish interests. On the other hand, when we argue that Sweden has postcolonial discourses, we mean that, although it points out in its FFP manual that it seeks to develop a horizontal and intersectional policy, with the inclusion of local participation, in its rhetoric about the practice of cooperation the country does not emphasize joint actions with receiving countries. A narrative was also observed that values the performance of the state itself as a donor and its traditional partners in the North, such as development banks and private actors. Nevertheless, it does not present the integration of the critical vision of the southern feminisms on this classic performance of international cooperation. In this way, it is argued that one side of feminist solidarity is missing. This means that, although there is recognition of the advance of Swedish feminisms in favoring the development of an FFP, the valorization and presentation of the performance of the southern actors is still lacking in the rhetoric in the results. So that, once again, they are not described as passive actors of cooperation, but that their different and critical perspectives contribute to the presentation of a more plural and universal discourse. Finally, this article concludes that the development of critical analyses from the global South contributes to FFP being articulated in pursuit of the goal of feminist solidarity. We do not propose this analysis as a way to deny the advances established by Swedish politics, but to integrate the other part of feminist solidarity: including the vision of the South in the formulation of the agenda. ; En 2014 Suecia fue el primer país en afirmar que pasaría a desarrollar una Política Exterior Feminista (PEF). Este anuncio suscitó varias especulaciones sobre lo que significaría la inserción del paradigma feminista como política exterior. Autores y centros de estudio fueron, a lo largo de estos años, definiendo que una PEF trataría de un cambio en la ética de la política internacional revisando actores, estructuras y narrativas que tienden a generar una desigualdad de género y que suma opresiones de raza, identidad, etnia, religión, entre otros. En este contexto, este estudio se considera importante al desarrollar un análisis en torno a la aplicación de la PEF sueca desde una perspectiva del Sur global, con el objetivo de observar las narrativas sobre las prácticas de cooperación sueca en el ámbito de la PEF. En este sentido, se ha optado por analizar la retórica sobre los resultados de la cooperación sueca en los tres primeros años de PEF de manera a observar si la narrativa sobre los resultados también presenta el mismo cambio propuesto por la definición de la cooperación, o si reproduce, en alguna medida, los discursos tradicionales. Este estudio fue realizado a partir del análisis de la narrativa presentada en documentos producidos por el gobierno sueco en el año de 2017. Se puede concluir que, a pesar de que Suecia ha avanzado en el tema al integrar las demandas de los movimientos feministas a sus políticas de Estado y gobierno, aún se puede observar la reproducción de discursos tradicionales de la cooperación internacional al desarrollo. Puesto que en su retórica no se explotan las asociaciones con los Estados del Sur receptores de la cooperación y mantiene actores de la cooperación tradicional del Norte, reforzando el uso de la categoría género como indicador en la ayuda al desarrollo y poco cuestionadora de las relaciones de poder existentes entre Norte y Sur.
El presente trabajo ha sido realizado con apoyo de la Coordinación de Perfeccionamiento de Personal de Nivel Superior - Brasil (CAPES) - Código de Financiación 001. ; En 2014 Suecia fue el primer país en afirmar que pasaría a desarrollar una política exterior feminista (PEF). Este anuncio suscitó varias especulaciones sobre lo que significaría la inserción del paradigma feminista como política exterior. Autores y centros de estudio fueron, a lo largo de estos años, definiendo que una PEF trataría de un cambio en la ética de la política internacional revisando actores, estructuras y narrativas que tienden a generar una desigualdad de género y que suma opresiones de raza, identidad, etnia, religión, entre otros. En este contexto, este estudio se considera importante al desarrollar un análisis en torno a la aplicación de la PEF sueca desde una perspectiva del Sur global, con el objetivo de observar las narrativas sobre las prácticas de cooperación sueca en el ámbito de la PEF. En este sentido, se ha optado por analizar la retórica sobre los resultados de la cooperación sueca en los tres primeros años de PEF de manera a observar si la narrativa sobre los resultados también presenta el mismo cambio propuesto por la definición de la cooperación, o si reproduce, en alguna medida, los discursos tradicionales. Este estudio fue realizado a partir del análisis de la narrativa presentada en documentos producidos por el gobierno sueco en el año de 2017. Se puede concluir que, a pesar de que Suecia ha avanzado en el tema al integrar las demandas de los movimientos feministas a sus políticas de estado y gobierno, aún se puede observar la reproducción de discursos tradicionales de la cooperación internacional al desarrollo. Puesto que en su retórica no se explotan las asociaciones con los estados del Sur receptores de la cooperación y mantiene actores de la cooperación tradicional del Norte, reforzando el uso de la categoría género como indicador en la ayuda al desarrollo y poco cuestionadora de las relaciones de poder existentes entre Norte y Sur. ; The announcement of Sweden's adherence to a feminist perspective on its foreign policy contributed to the gender agenda debate being broadened internationally. Therefore, it is considered important to analyze, from the South, how feminist foreign policy (FFP) has modified the discourses on traditional practices in foreign policy. In order to carry out this study, the Swedish International Cooperation agenda was selected as a case to be examined. This research takes into account that the debate on gender and development has been articulated at least since the 1970s, and several contributions have underlined the need to question the power patterns involving the cooperation policies of the countries from North to South (Aguinaga et al, 2011). Moreover, over the years countless alternatives to traditional and hierarchical practices of cooperation have been articulated by feminist women in both the South and the global North. Given that Sweden adopted, as part of the feminist paradigm, the habit of carrying out a review of its policies, this study is developed from an analysis of Swedish rhetoric in the document on FFP policy practices released in 2017. Taking into account the narrative of seven themes, the extent to which there has been an insertion of the debates developed by Southern Feminisms in discourses on practices is debated. In the first part of this article, a theoretical review is carried out on the debate around the construction of feminist solidarity in international politics (Mohanty, 2003; 2008). It is understood that the category of women was included in the cooperation programs and policies through the process of homogenization of differences; that is, it was based on a universal assumption about feminist demands, without including the perspectives of the states receiving policies. Thus, a process of naturalization and generalization on the discursive performance and international practice on North-South cooperation was established. This has resulted in an elaboration on women of the North and South in opposite directions, in which there is an idea that one has to teach the other how to achieve gender equality. The argument of this study is that an FFP pursues the goal of building a shared relationship, in which cooperation is an interaction without hierarchies between the states involved; that is, there is a feminist solidarity in the construction of policies. In other words, it seeks to identify the differences around gender issues and the category of women, adding them to political perspectives and thus developing more universal international approaches. While this should be an objective pursued by a FFP, and while there has also been discussion of what happens in traditional cooperation practices and discourses, northern countries tend to homogenize differences between women. This is done in line with neoliberal feminist perspectives, and does not include analyses of the patriarchal structure that promotes gender coloniality and generates subinclusive and superinclusive policies (Crenshaw, 2002). In the second part of the article, the Swedish context that contributed to the elaboration of a paradigmatic feminist policy is presented. The country's women's social movements have had the capacity to articulate with the state over the years, which has accessed the welfare state and encouraged governments to assume discourses and policies that provide gender equality. The basis of this action is the formulation of the Swedish welfare state, which has elaborated domestically movement towards gender equality, and included social feminist demands in the formulation of public policies. In 2014, this perspective was formally placed in international politics and, consequently, in the country's agendas, such as international development cooperation. With regard to this context of progress, the Swedish 2017 document was analyzed, seeking to identify elements that would point to a reproduction of the traditional perspective of cooperation in the country's rhetoric on the effectiveness of cooperation. This is where the actors of the North are the majority in the agreements, and where there is no discursive representation of the demands of the collectives of the South nor the processes of joint construction with the receiving countries. In the study, it was possible to verify, like Nylund (2017), that the feminist foreign policy of Sweden produces totally feminist discourses, but also post-colonial rhetoric. In the feminist sense, we highlight the articulation capacity of feminism between the Swedish state and the feminist movements of the country in order to recognize, as in Llistar (2009), that when a country has the capacity to absorb the demands of social collectives in its international agendas -in the case of cooperation- it can be said that it is a cooperation of solidarity with low selfish interests. On the other hand, when we argue that Sweden has postcolonial discourses, we mean that, although it points out in its FFP manual that it seeks to develop a horizontal and intersectional policy, with the inclusion of local participation, in its rhetoric about the practice of cooperation the country does not emphasize joint actions with receiving countries. A narrative was also observed that values the performance of the state itself as a donor and its traditional partners in the North, such as development banks and private actors. Nevertheless, it does not present the integration of the critical vision of the southern feminisms on this classic performance of international cooperation. In this way, it is argued that one side of feminist solidarity is missing. This means that, although there is recognition of the advance of Swedish feminisms in favoring the development of an FFP, the valorization and presentation of the performance of the southern actors is still lacking in the rhetoric in the results. So that, once again, they are not described as passive actors of cooperation, but that their different and critical perspectives contribute to the presentation of a more plural and universal discourse. Finally, this article concludes that the development of critical analyses from the global South contributes to FFP being articulated in pursuit of the goal of feminist solidarity. We do not propose this analysis as a way to deny the advances established by Swedish politics, but to integrate the other part of feminist solidarity: including the vision of the South in the formulation of the agenda. ; Coordinación de Perfeccionamiento de Personal de Nivel Superior - Brasil (CAPES) - Código de Financiación 001
The "Bolivarian Revolution" (or "chavismo") is the process and political regime led by Hugo Chavez in Venezuela since 1998. This article argues that the political phenomenon can be understood as a case of "totalitarian democracy"(Talmon) or "illiberal"(Zakaria). Both concepts refer to forms of democracy that are related to political messianism, populism and other forms of semi-autocratic leader, apparently favoring a majority will, but acting to the detriment of the rule of law, constitutionalism, the system of individual freedoms and the division of powers. It is further argued that, given the revolutionary nature of Chavez´s foreign policy, this way of understanding and practice of democracy has been exerting a growing influence in Latin America. ; La "Revolución Bolivariana"� (o "chavismo"�) es el proceso y régimen político liderados por Hugo Chávez en Venezuela desde 1998. En este artículo se sostiene que dicho fenómeno político puede ser comprendido como un caso de "democracia totalitaria"� (Talmon) o "iliberal"� (Zakaria). Ambos conceptos aluden a formas de democracia que se relacionan con el mesianismo político, el populismo y otras formas de liderazgo semi-autocrático, aparentemente privilegiando una voluntad mayoritaria, pero actuando en desmedro del estado de derecho, el constitucionalismo, el sistema de libertades individuales y la división de poderes. Se argumenta además que, dado el carácter revolucionario de la política exterior del chavismo, esta manera de comprender y practicar la democracia ha ido ejerciendo una influencia creciente en América Latina.
The objective of the research was to analyze the perspectives of Ukraine's foreign economic policy with respect to Latin America. An overview of the economic and political situation in Latin America is characterized by intensification of inflation in the region, reduction of exports and foreign investment, erosion of the level of business and consumer confidence. She used the following research methods: methods of analysis and synthesis, systematic approach, methods of induction and deduction, generalization, and systematization, economic, etc. Defined strategic orientations have been identified to improve foreign economic cooperation between Ukraine and Latin America to seek new foreign markets and increase foreign trade, such as: opening representative offices of Ukrainian companies in Latin America; active participation of Ukrainian companies in trade fair and exhibition events taking place in the countries of the region; establishment of bilateral industrial cooperation in the territory of MERCOSUR member countries. It concludes on the need to develop a long-term strategy to activate trade and economic cooperation between Ukraine and the countries of the Latin American region with the identification and justification of sectoral priorities.
Este artículo analiza el comportamiento legislativo en temas de política exterior en cinco países de América Latina: Argentina, Brasil, Chile, México y Paraguay. Se somete a prueba la hipótesis sobre la especificidad de la política exterior al producir un comportamiento legislativo unificado en el Pleno, contrastando con una acentuada polarización en el ámbito doméstico. Para comprobar esta hipótesis, se estiman puntos ideales de los legisladores latinoamericanos en materia de política exterior, comparándolos con el comportamiento legislativo en la política interna. Las conclusiones muestran una semejanza en el comportamiento legislativo en ambas temáticas, siendo los principales factores explicativos del voto en la política exterior la ideología partidista y la pertenencia o no del legislador a la coalición de gobierno.
The subject of the article was the analysis of the state regulatory policy in the field of securing foreign economic activity and the development of relevant directions for its adaptation in the conditions of martial law. In the study, the regulatory and legal support for the implementation of foreign economic activity in Ukraine was formed. Peculiarities of implementation of international trade activities in the conditions of martial law are determined. The losses of Ukraine's industrial potential during military operations are analyzed. The rates of decline of export and import operations during the period of martial law are estimated. Regulatory activity of the authorities with respect to stabilization of foreign economic activity and directions with respect to support of business entities have been studied. The conclusions highlight areas related to the support and activation of economic activity, which are aimed at creating the necessary conditions for the formation of a positive climate of innovation and investment, efficient and safe logistic flows, and a regulatory and legal field that is adapted to the standards of European countries.
The present paper provides a critical analysis of Colombia's National Program of Bilingualism focusing on the ideologies behind it, how it facilitates the manufacturing of Colombian citizens' consent for foreign intervention through free trade agreements, and the progressive dismantling of public education. The program is analyzed with a critical language policy lens that brings into consideration the historical and socio-political factors of the Colombian context. For this purpose, several news articles, policy documents, and academic essays are discussed. Connections are made between this language policy, the interests of transnational companies, and how this policy helps portray the Colombian public education system as inadequate to fulfill the government's educational goals.El siguiente análisis crítico del Programa Nacional de Bilingüismo (PNB) en Colombia hace énfasis en las ideologías que hay detrás de dicho programa y como este facilita la fabricación del consentimiento de los ciudadanos colombianos para la intervención extranjera a través de los tratados de libre comercio, al igual que la privatización progresiva de la educación pública. Se analiza el programade manera crítica teniendo en cuenta los factores históricos y sociopolíticos del contexto. Para este propósito se discuten artículos de noticias, documentos del programa y análisis académicos. El artículo establece relaciones entre el programa, los intereses de compañías multinacionales y lamanera como dicha política lingüística pone de manifiesto la insuficiencia del sistema educativo público colombiano para alcanzar sus propias metas.
The beginning of modern history and the subsequent war in Bosnia and Herzegovina coincide with the institutional beginnings of the European Union common foreign and security policy. At that time, Europe did not have a single position, nor could it have achieved a political consensus on any issue. In addition, it lacked appropriate instruments, as well as readiness and willingness to actively engage to put an end to war in BiH. The war in BiH was stopped, however, thanks to the efforts of the United States. This was a crucial moment for Europe to modify its common foreign and security policy. The European Union has passed a thorny path of establishing common foreign and security policy. On this path, however, the EU has experienced some progress and achieved good results, although not sufficient, just as BiH has made some progress in reforms. In order for BiH to joint the family of modern democratic countries, it will need a stronger engagement of the European Union and its more decisive common foreign and security policy, because only together we can cope with global challenges. Peace and prosperity in Bosnia and Herzegovina will also help build free and stable Europe.
