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Y. Kleistra, Hollen of stilstaan. Beleidsverandering bij het Nederlandse ministerie van buitenlandse zaken P.R. Baehr, M.C. Castermans-Holleman, F. Grünfeld, Human rights in the foreign policy of the Netherlands E.M. van den Berg, The influence of domestic NGOs on Dutch human rights policy. Case studies on South Africa, Namibia, Indonesia and East Timor. The role of human rights in post-1945 Dutch foreign policy: Politicological and historical literature, Maarten KuitenbrouwerThe second Dutch government under Prime Minister Kok fell in 2002 following the publication of a critical report by the Dutch Institute for Wartime Documentation (NIOD) on the Srebenica issue. This event forms the starting point for a review of the recent literature on the role of human rights in Dutch foreign policy during the last few decades in both political science and history. Both disciplines share the 'decisionmaking analysis' in international relations theory as a common background. In addition, political scientists and historians have often found themselves researching the same human rights issues that affect Dutch relations with a series of non-Western countries. An explanation of Dutch policy is usually sought based on a combination of internaland external factors. In general, comparative analyses and research into its effectiveness are still conspicuous by their absence. All in all, there are more similarities than differences between recent political and historical studies on the role of human rights in Dutch foreign policy.

The Policy of Independence. The Background of a Crucial Phrase in Dutch Foreign Policy 1900-1940The phrase 'policy of independence' was coined by the Dutch Minister of Foreign Affairs Van Karnebeek after the First World War. It has aroused a lot of discussion ever since. The phrase is often portrayed as sign of a change from a passive policy of neutrality to a much more active foreign policy. In this article the use of the phrase and the question of continuity or discontinuity are raised. This is done first of all on the basis of some crucial episodes from the First World War and subsequently the Dutch policy towards the German emperor and crown prince, Belgium and the League of Nations. This contribution argues that throughout those years the Dutch government pursued a policy characterized by activity and adopted an attitude that adhered to international law. Even before 1914 this approach was referred to as 'independent'. Thereafter, Van Karnebeek coined the phrase 'policy of independence' to give expression to this prevailing attitude.

Apart from Belgian's OSCE Presidency (Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe), two other important topics in 2006 Belgian foreign affairs were economic diplomacy and the European policy. Concerning economic diplomacy the text addresses the problems surrounding two German branches on Belgian territory: the Volkswagen assembly line and DHL. Furthermore, increased importance of economic diplomacy is a well decided approach of the current Minister for Foreign Affairs De Gucht, emphasizing that in bilateral discussions the economic aspect has to be taken into account at all times. Regarding the European policy of ongoing development of European security and defense policy (EVDB) and civic-military cooperation are addressed. Transatlantic relations have improved since 2003 (Iraq war), changing into a "agree where we can, agree to disagree where we can't" attitude, Belgium diplomatic language has lost its rougher edges, and "the glorious three", three years of Belgium presidency (OSCE 2006, UN Security Council 2007-2008) in which the country gained in expressiveness, but lost character opposite large power such as Russia, the US and China. Regarding the UN Security Council a main objective was abolishing the veto right for permanent member states. Tables, Figures, References. O. van Zijl

The Belgian foreign policy carried out by the prime minister Guy Verhofstadt & foreign minister Louis Michel is described as voluntaristic with ethical overtones & contrasted with the US policy of unilateralism. The state of the two countries' mutual relations before & after September 11 is outlined, & the growing division over the war in Irak is investigated. Excerpts from Michel's speeches are quoted to demonstrate the voluntaristic content & form of Belgian foreign policy within the EU & in Central Africa. The split within the EU on supporting the US intervention in Irak, with Belgium joining France & Germany in opposing George W. Bush's decision to invade this country, is described. It is pointed out that Belgium disagrees with the unilateral approach to foreign affairs adopted by the Bush government, as it: (1) replaces the principle of fellowship with followship, (2) dismisses the principle of multilateral consultation propagating its slogan of the "coalition of the willing," & (3) does not respect the "rules-based system" of international conduct. The prospects of Belgium's place in a future configuration of transatlantic relations are assessed, concluding that this country's voluntarism is less damaging to fellowship than American unilateralism. Z. Dubiel

Reading the news about Iran today one can hardly imagine that relations between the Netherlands and Iran were excellent until 1979. Mohammed-Reza Pahlavi, the last shah of Persia, was known in The Netherlands as a visionary and reformer. Persia was represented as a mythical land with an ancient civilization. The Dutch royal family enjoyed visiting the shah, and large and small Dutch companies were successful in Iran.

When in the 1970s awareness spread about repression under the shah, the Dutch government was faced with difficult choices. How could these relations be continued, now that public opinion had turned against it? The Dutch government decided to ignore the criticisms, and firmly held on to the idea of the shah as an enlightened despot. As such, it did not see the Iranian Revolution coming, and suffered the consequences.

A little appreciated member of the international community in 2004, Belgium has developed the previous years into a constructive diplomatic element that takes to heart its international responsibility (examples: troops in Lebanon, Afghanistan, Balkans, and an effective diplomatic intervention concerning the Democratic Republic of Congo). Responsibly for this success are called Belgian impartiality, its open ears, imagination and collaboration regarding multilateralism. Furthermore, the EU's enlargement by 10 states is discussed, the rejecting of the European Constitution by France and the Netherlands, and the strengthened position of the BENELUX within the EU. A second topic: relations with the neighboring countries France, United Kingdom, the Netherlands, Germany and Luxembourg. A last item discusses cooperation in multilateral development projects. References. O. van Zijl

The European Union's merchandising policies have been a successful enterprise, whereas sensitive political items of safety, defense and international policies were not its priority. Since the 1990's however the EU tries to define itself in relationship to the rest of the world, of which the Common Foreign and Safety Policy (Gemeenschappelijk Buitenlands- en Veiligheidsbeleid, GBVB) is a good example with which the EU promotes and defends its interests internationally. Moreover, through the GBVB, the EU takes part in crisis control activities, as for example on the Balkans. An analysis of EU interventions and behavior during the wars in Croatia and Bosnia-Herzegovina, with explanations for the limited successes achieved, in particular by lack of its member states to cooperate in a unified action, partly based on differences of opinion, partly on a lack of national profit to be gained from the region concerned. Differences of opinion often based on conflicting national interests, and highly influence - negatively - on the GBVB's effectivity. To be more influential on a global scale, member states should compromise their proper interests into a unified voice, and bind together their bilateral relations into cooperation. Furthermore, problems regarding coherence and continuity exist by means of an often changing chairmanship of the EU, making the flow of information and mandates irregular, therewith reducing the GBVB's into a reactive organ, where dynamic activity is needed. References. O. van Zijl