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Belgian policies & development aid for Sub-Saharan Africa are reviewed, examining the priority countries to which aid was allocated by the successive Belgian governments in the 1990s & differentiating between bilateral support agreements & contributions to the African aid fund of international institutions & nongovernmental organizations. The principles governing aid distribution to African countries are outlined, explaining the notions of macroconditionality, selectivity, & ownership. Belgian aid to a group of partner countries, concentrated in Central Africa & representing historical ties (colony or a trust territory), is placed in the context of other developed countries' involvement in the region. The shift in African policy & new modalities of aid elaborated by the current Belgian government of prime minister Guy Verhofstadt are critically assessed, discussing the administration, management, & control of aid, organizational dimensions (geographic localization, distribution channel, & sector division), the inefficiencies of excessive compartmentalization, & the threat of defederalization (shifting decision making from the federal to regional governments). 3 Tables, 1 Appendix, 18 References. Z. Dubiel

Dutch-American relations in the post-war period have been inexorably intertwined with the Cold War. In the course of the 1960s the East-West struggle entered a new phase with the beginning of a period of détente, which had important consequences for the Dutch-American relationship. In this dissertation, which focuses on the governmental level, the following issues are dealt with: firstly, to what extent was the relationship affected by the complicating developments that took place in the years 1969-1976? Secondly, how did Dutch and American policy makers view the relationship? Finally, what did the asymmetry in the relationship mean and were the Dutch able to exert any influence? When taking into account both international and domestic factors, the picture that emerges is one of both change and continuity. What makes the period concerned stand out is the fact that the Atlantic Alliance was at a point where a redefinition of the common goals seemed unavoidable. Security concerns and preserving the American dominant position in the international arena were the foremost concerns of President Nixon and NSC-advisor Kissinger. These ideas clashed with those of Dutch politicians of for instance the Labour Party who wanted détente, an active human rights policy and development cooperation to be part of the Atlantic foreign policy agenda. The American embassy in The Hague was aware of these changes: it noticed a turn to the left in Dutch society and the political landscape. The Dutch cabinets in the period concerned faced domestic pressure to take a more critical stance towards the United States, where the Nixon administration faced problems concerning its image and credibility because of the Vietnam war and the Watergate scandal. On the other hand, unmistakable signs of continuity in the Dutch-American relationship were present. The Dutch governments in the years concerned did not turn away from Atlantic cooperation, as the Netherlands remained dependent on the American military commitment to Western Europe. Détente was ...

Policy making in the Netherlands during three post-WWII periods is examined, focusing on limits imposed by the structure of society & the intellectual climate of the time. Intellectual & political constraints in economic policy, welfare policy, physical planning, & foreign affairs are discussed. Political constraints are shifting because of changes in market assessment, planning, & coordination. An increase in consultation among government, employers organizations, & trade unions is advocated, with the government establishing macroeconomic & social guidelines. Modified HA

The Opening Address at the Sch of War, Brussels, for the Academic yr 1968-69. The role of a military academy is discussed. Then major contemporary theories on war & pol are examined. Special attention is given to the problem of military responsibility, psychol'al warfare, & the influence of PO on military strategy. It is noted that military & pol'al sci has become a sci of 'crisis manag.' Reference is made to the recent military conflicts in Korea, the Middle East, & Vietnam. Crisis management in modern days has become a power play among the big countries. The military strategy of the communist world is reviewed on the basis of the principles laid down by K. Marx & F. Engels. L. Trotsky's theories on war & poi are compared with the Marxist-Leninist pol'al & strategic doctrine. Brief mention is made of the military writings of Mao Tse Tung & their influence on Che Guevara &others. The development of pol'al sci in the US is traced. Instruction at such Sch's as the Nat'l War Coll & the Industr Coll of the Armed Forces is compared with the teaching of pol'al & military sci at US U's. It is noted that pol'al & military sci has come to recognize the internat'l aspects of its problems. Belgium, by its geographical situation, is tied to the changes going on in the European continent. Military sci in Belgium therefore orients itself towards that of other European countries, eg, as taught at the U's of Aberdeen, London, Oxford, the Centre d'Etudes de Politique Etrangere (Center for the Study of Foreign Policy), Paris, etc. The Netherlands has the 'Defensie Studiecentrum' (Center for Defense Studies), in which students are instructed in the pol'al, psychol'al, econ, & military aspects of defense. It is concluded that military sci has come of age & fulfills an important role in training the responsible pol'al leaders needed in the modern world. M. Maxfield.

The subject of this study is the strategic cooperation of the permanent members in the Security Council in the period 1946 2000. Because of their right of veto the cooperation of the permanent members has a significant influence on the functioning of the Council. The most important aspects of the cooperation that were investigated are the intensity of the cooperation and the ef-fectiveness of this cooperation in preventing and ending wars. To investigate these aspects, for both the intensity and the effectiveness measuring instruments were constructed. These measuring instruments were based on comprehensive sets of so-called 'leading indicators' and statistical methods and techniques. The intensity of the cooperation increased gradually from 1946 until 1990 (the end of the Cold War). Then it started to increase rapidly until 1996. From 1996 a slight decrease can be discer-ned. The strong increase in the strategic cooperation of the permanent members in the security Council can be established in all the majors forms of cooperation in the Council: the numbers of adopted strategic resolutions and presidential statements, the numbers of employed means (like peacekeeping missions and enforcement actions) and the amounts of money that were spent on peacekeeping activities. Further it was established that the response times of the Council regarding potential and waged wars dropped significantly since the end of the Cold War. The effectiveness of the cooperation of the permanent members in the Council was, insofar this was measurable with the applied method, not good for many years, but after the Cold War a clear improvement can be discerned. This goes for the prevention of wars, as well as for post war peacebuilding and the ending of wars. Also the numbers of potential and waged wars in which the Council not intervened dropped significantly since the end of the Cold War, as well as the use of vetoes. The large number of potential and waged wars in which the Council did not intervene during the Cold War was nearly exclusively caused by 'non decisions' (the non placing of wars on the agenda), and not by the use of vetoes by permanent members, as is often assumed in literature. Further, a comparison of two phase classifications of the Cold War showed that the great powers, even when there are great tensions among them, are prepared to cooperate in the Security Council to resolve strategic matters, if they consider this in their interest. Analyses of the adopted strategic resolutions during the Cold War revealed that cooperation here was nearly exclusively limited to issues that were not core issues of the Cold War. From this it can be concluded that cooperation against third party states was a basis of cooperation of the great powers in the Security Council. Finally, the results of this study show clearly that the Security Council was regarded and used to a large extent by the permanent members in the period 1946 2000 as an instrument of foreign policy to pursue their national interests, and not as an instrument of the world community to prevent and end wars.

Also available in English "http://www.aup.nl/do.php?a=show_visitor_book&isbn=9789089643285">Attached to the World Few other countries are so interrelated with the world around us in political, economic, and social respects as the Netherlands. This means that the Dutch government needs to be alert in its response to the risks and opportunities presented by a rapidly changing world. Addressing this issue, the Scientific Council for Government Policy (wrr) offers some reflections in this report, guided by the question how the Netherlands can develop a foreign policy strategy that matches the changing power relations in the world and the radically changed character of international relations. The answer to this question is a reorientation. This means making transparent choices, making smarter use of Europe as our dominant arena, and, finally, choosing an approach that makes better use of the growing role of non-state actors. The report's recommendations not only underline the necessity of reorientation but also show how this could be accomplished in practice. - Ook verschenen in het Engels "http://www.aup.nl/do.php?a=show_visitor_book&isbn=9789089643285">Attached to the World De Wetenschappelijke Raad voor het Regeringsbeleid (WRR) bepleit in zijn rapport Aan het buitenland gehecht een nieuwe aanpak van het buitenlandbeleid. De wereld om ons heen is onderhevig aan veranderende machtsverhoudingen, wordt bevolkt door andere spelers dan in het verleden, en wordt gekenmerkt door een sterkere verknoping van nationale en internationale vraagstukken. Dit vraagt om nieuwe antwoorden, om een heroriëntatie op het buitenlandbeleid. Het rapport wordt op 30 november namens de regering in ontvangst genomen door de minister van Buitenlandse Zaken, dr. U. Rosenthal. Het rapport stelt vast dat de internationale betrekkingen radicaal van karakter zijn veranderd. De vertrouwde afbakening tussen binnen- en buitenland vervaagt steeds verder, met name in Europa. Een groot deel van de Nederlanders ervaart dit evenwel nog anders. Tegelijkertijd neemt hun onzekerheid over de positie van Nederland in de wereld toe, mede door de recente financiële crisis. Het WRR-rapport bepleit een strategischer aanpak van de buitenlandpolitiek en schetst daarvoor een afwegingskader. Hiermee kunnen duidelijke keuzes worden gemaakt. Bijvoorbeeld door de nadruk te leggen op beleidsterreinen waarop Nederland sterk is en zich langere tijd wil profileren, zoals water, voedsel, of internationaal recht. De keuzes moeten ertoe bijdragen dat het profiel, de zichtbaarheid en de invloed van Nederland worden vergroot. Door in het buitenlandbeleid de samenhang tussen nationale en internationale belangen sterker te benadrukken, zal dat beleid in eigen land op ruimere steun kunnen rekenen, verwacht de WRR. De nieuwe aanpak zal er volgens de WRR toe leiden dat de algemene buitenlandstrategie een zaak van de gehele ministerraad wordt. Deze aanpak impliceert geen herijking of ontkokering van het buitenlandbeleid. Het vraagt een andere benadering, een andere houding. De Europese Unie is en blijft voor Nederland de meest dominante arena voor internationale samenwerking. Wie zijn doelen in het buitenlandbeleid wil bereiken, moet juist hier invloed uitoefenen, juist hier excelleren om zijn nationale belangen te realiseren. Volgens de WRR vergt dit een antwoord op de vragen: in wat voor Europa willen wij leven en hoe kunnen we onze invloed aanwenden om dit Europa naar vermogen mee vorm geven? Daarbij zou het passen wanneer ons land de praktijk van de ons omringende landen volgt en de minister-president daadwerkelijk tot eerstverantwoordelijke voor het EU-beleid aanwijst, aan het hoofd van het 'ministerie van Algemene en Europese Zaken'. Een strategischer buitenlandbeleid vraagt om een adequate uitvoering. Naast organisatorische aanscherpingen, kunnen bestaande instrumenten beter worden benut. Zo meent de WRR dat het postennet van diplomatieke vertegenwoordigingen in de wereld niet gebaseerd moet zijn op vaste reflexen, maar een afgeleide dient te zijn van een heldere strategie. Tevens zijn nieuwe vormen van samenwerking met andere landen noodzakelijk, waarbij ook nadrukkelijk ruimte en erkenning ontstaan voor samenwerking met niet-statelijke actoren zoals bedrijven, ngo's en belangenorganisaties. Kortom: de WRR bepleit in de buitenlandse politiek strategisch-inhoudelijk scherp te kiezen, te streven naar excellentie binnen Europa en een faciliterend medespeler te worden in de wereld van niet-statelijke actoren. Tevens zijn in het kader van dit onderzoek gepubliceerd: "http://www.wrr.nl/content.jsp?objectid=5464">WRR-webpublicatie nr. 43, Internationalisering en Europeanisering van strafrechtelijke rechtshandhaving in Nederland, dr.mr. A. van den Brink "http://www.wrr.nl/content.jsp?objectid=5302">WRR-webpublicatie nr. 42, Het Nederlandse veiligheidsbeleid in een veranderende wereld, drs. M.H. Klem

This new study of the genesis of the Indonesian national state is based on the notion that the birth of that nation grew out of not only the liberation movement but also from the Dutch rule that the nationalists agitated against. The book places a clear emphasis on the ways in which Dutch rule was established in the Indonesian archipelago in the course of three centuries and examines the developments of Dutch colonial policies. This feeds into chapters that focus on the Indonesian nationalist movement and the Japanese occupation of the colony in 1942-1945.The occupation helped to enable the proclamation of Indonesian indepence and the creation of the Republic in August 1945. The conflict that erupted between the Repub-lic and the Netherlands was brought to an incomplete 'solution' in 1949, but the dis-pute about West-Irian led to a sequel that lasted for another thirteen years. More than half of this book is dedicated to the conflict and its aftermath. Much attention is paid to the sentiments and ideas that informed Dutch policy. Various issues that have received scant attention in the historiography are now dis-cussed. The author based his study on Dutch and international literature, contemporary newspapers and policy documents, and his own memories. In the book's title, the stork represents the Dutch and the garuda functions as a symbol of Indonesia. J. Herman Burgers (1926) worked at the Dutch Department of Foreign Affairs. He studied Law in Amsterdam and Political Science at Stanford University. He was deeply interested in the conflict between the Netherlands and the Republic of Indone-sia, as it broke out in 1945. This fascination has never left him, and he has continued to study the conflict and its aftermath, especially during the years 1948-1950 when he was in Indonesia for his Dutch military service

The second and updated edition of this new study of the genesis of the Indonesian national state is based on the notion that the birth of that nation grew out of not only the liberation movement but also from the Dutch rule that the nationalists agitated against. The book places a clear emphasis on the ways in which Dutch rule was established in the Indonesian archipelago in the course of three centuries and examines the developments of Dutch colonial policies. This feeds into chapters that focus on the Indonesian nationalist movement and the Japanese occupation of the colony in 1942-1945. The occupation helped to enable the proclamation of Indonesian indepence and the creation of the Republic in August 1945. The conflict that erupted between the Repub-lic and the Netherlands was brought to an incomplete 'solution' in 1949, but the dis-pute about West-Irian led to a sequel that lasted for another thirteen years. More than half of this book is dedicated to the conflict and its aftermath. Much attention is paid to the sentiments and ideas that informed Dutch policy.

Various issues that have received scant attention in the historiography are now dis-cussed. The author based his study on Dutch and international literature, contemporary newspapers and policy documents, and his own memories. In the book's title, the stork represents the Dutch and the garuda functions as a symbol of Indonesia.

J. Herman Burgers (1926) worked at the Dutch Department of Foreign Affairs. He studied Law in Amsterdam and Political Science at Stanford University. He was deeply interested in the conflict between the Netherlands and the Republic of Indone-sia, as it broke out in 1945. This fascination has never left him, and he has continued to study the conflict and its aftermath, especially during the years 1948-1950 when he was in Indonesia for his Dutch military service.

Simon van Slingelandt (1664-1736) has been in the service of the Republic of the United Netherlands during his entire working life. In 1690 he started his career as secretary of the Council of State (Raad van State). In 1725 he was appointed Treasurer-General and in 1727 he accepted the position of Grand Pensionary over Holland and West Friesland. In this final position he was 'le premier homme de la Republique' during the Second Stadtholderless period. This period commenced after the death of stadtholder-king William III in 1702 and would last until 1747. As a civil servant, he has left a great impression upon the daily affairs in both domestic and foreign political business. He sharply perceived how hairline cracks in the union of the seven provinces (Utrecht 1579) threatened to become fractures. After the War of the Spanish Succession (1701-1713), the Republic faced hard times. This incited Van Slingelandt to write critical texts. In both a personal capacity and as secretary of the Council of State, he pointed out the danger of a collapse of the system of government to the domestic allies. He also made propositions to improve the political-administrative system and financial policy. Van Slingelandt gathered these ideas in several treatises. These writings circulated during his lifetime, but were published later, in 1784-1785, titled Staatkundige Geschriften (Political Writings), fifty years after his death. This book contains a complete analysis of these treatises – as yet missing from historiography – which is preceded by an extensive biographical chapter about Van Slingelandt.