Interfaith dialogue has not gained a strategic place in the context of the study of international relations yet, even though its existence has practically provided new dynamics in the constellation of contemporary international relations. Not only that, interfaith dialogue also has sufficient theoretical urgency as a academics study that needs to be continuously developed. The debate between realism and idealism continues to develop in contemporary international relations studies. This development is influenced by the expansion of the meaning of actors who not only talk about state actors but also non-state actors, the expansion of the issues was originally focused on hard political issues but also focus to the discussion on low political issues, as well as how the interaction between actors with the religious discussion of these issues has created varied patterns of relations between actors in the study of international relations. This study attempts to place the phenomenon of interfaith dialogue theoretically in the study of international relations through a rational perspective, by seeking a middle ground between the realism and idealism debates. The English School approach, foreign policy, and diplomacy will try to be presented so that the theoretical position of inter-religious dialogue will become clear as a phenomenon that continues to develop in the study of international relations. The importance of this research is to provide the possibility of a wider variety of studies in the context of international relations, so that the existence of international relations as a scientific discipline can be optimized for its contribution to analyzing social phenomena across national borders that occur and growing.
This thesis departs from the Diplomatic Crisis between Saudi Arabia and Qatar in 2017. In relation to the diplomatic crisis, it was explained that Qatar issued a Policy in the Diplomatic Crisis, and refused to fulfill the 13 demands given by Saudi Arabia and its allies. However, the policy issued by Qatar is inseparable from the encouraging factors. For this reason, this Thesis Writing aims to find out the Factors that encourage Qatar's Policy in the Diplomatic Crisis in 2017. By using KJ Holsti's Foreign Political Study and Literature Study Research Methods, this thesis discovers the Driving Variables namely Oil and Gas Sales Guarantee nature to other countries, Diversification of Economic Sources from the Non-Oil and Gas Sector, Resilience of the Transportation Sector to the Diplomatic Crisis, Alternative Flight Lines, Guaranteed Food Supply from the Outside, Endurance of the Trade Sector against the Diplomatic Crisis and Donald Trump's Defense against Saudi Arabia.
Abstract COVID – 19 is an unprecedented occasion that forces every state to adapt to the current changes in the dynamics of international relations. The impacts that are given by the Pandemic are not only on the health aspects, but also give the spillover effects to some aspects, such as economy and social, as the result of the closed-border policy and the restrictions policy on trading. By that means, the holistic and comprehensive approaches are needed to tackle the pandemic. Furthermore, Global Health Diplomacy is considered as one of the instruments or means to tackle the impacts of it. Notwithstanding, there are some states which implement the Me First Policy, especially at the beginning of the Pandemic. This paper examines Indonesia Foreign Policy through Global Health Diplomacy during COVID – 19 and to analyses the characteristics of the policy, either cooperative or competitive. This paper uses the concept of Global Health Diplomacy by Kickbusch and Told on 21st Century Health Diplomacy: A New Relationship between Foreign Policy and Health, Global Health Diplomacy: The Need for New Perspectives, Strategic Approaches and Skills in Global Health, by Kickbusch, Ilona; Silberschmidt, Gaudenz; Buss, Paulo and the concept of Global Health Diplomacy by Khazatzadeh-Mahani, A., Ruckert, A., & LabontÉ, R Through its Global Health Diplomacy, Indonesia is aiming to implement the policy which are based on the solidarity and cooperativeness. Keywords: COVID – 19, Global Health Diplomacy, Indonesia, Cooperative, Competitive
Maritime sovereignty is an integral part of the Indonesia's foreign policy, historically in the era of Nusantara, many competitions to conquer maritime territory was even tangible from the era of Majapahit and Sriwijaya kingdom during their ruling. With the notion of Indonesia as the world's maritime axis, Indonesia's diplomacy is defined clearly by the manifestation of efforts either in bilateral, regional, and multilateral. This article discussed on how Indonesia's diplomacy through IORA cooperation is done to overcome the issue of IUU fishing during the presidency of Joko Widodo from 2015 until 2020. Indonesia's IORA Chairmanship from 2015-2017 has rejuvenate Jakarta's maritime diplomacy. Indonesia's diplomacy depicted that Indonesia is beyond thatn norm-setting but also to the level where Indonesia assert their identity as a sovereign maritime axis amid the challenges and modernization that made non-traditional security as one of the core of contemporary diplomacy.
The Asia-Pacific region is a very strategic region for cooperation in the economic and security fields. This makes this region very contested by the two countries of hegemony in the economic field, namely, China and the United States. To achieve these interests, China and the United States must contribute to the region, one of which is conducting Institutional balancing with institutions that are quite influential in the Asia-Pacific region such as the ASEAN Regional Forum (ARF), ASEAN Plus Three (APT), East Asia Summit (EAS). And this paper willdiscusswhy the United States changed its foreign policy from theMiddle East to Asia-Pacificregion. The dynamic of the regionshows thatChina plays an important role along with its national capability improvement. The increase in China's national capability is seen as a challenge to national interests, as well as security for the United States alliance states in the Asia-Pacific region. Using an analytical framework based on the Balance of Threat theory, the authorconcludes that there is a strong relation betweenChina's national capability improvements with the implementation of US rebalancing strategy to the Asia-Pacific region.
The Gulf coalition country led by Saudi Arabia simultaneously severed its diplomatic relations with Qatar in early June 2017. This action was motivated by Saudi Arabia's accusations of Qatar's proximity to several Islamic opposition organizations such as the Muslim Brotherhood and Hamas and its bilateral tendencies with Iran. This resentment continued with the launching of a land, sea and air blockade against Qatar's territory. Qatar dismissed the accusations and saw the Arab coalition's actions as an intervention against its foreign policy. In addition, Turkey as an ally of Qatar initially responded to the diplomatic crisis in a neutral manner and put forward mediation efforts. However, these efforts failed due to sabotage by the Gulf coalition. Turkey later denounced the blockade and immediately signed a military agreement to speed up the deployment of troops to Qatar. This article aims to analyze the reasons for Turkey's shift from initially neutral to pro-Qatar by strengthening its bilateral relations with Qatar through a series of help.
This paper looks at how Indonesia contributes to the creation of a relatively peaceful and stable Southeast Asian region after the Cold War. It examines Jakarta's diplomacy in the South China Sea, and explains its implications for the making of the regional order. The argument is that Indonesia's impact on regional security has been apparent in its attention to the improvement of rule-based interaction among states in the region. However, recent developments have demonstrated that Indonesia's initiatives, formulated in the Indo-Pacific Cooperation Concept, are unsuccessful due to the lack of support from other ASEAN states. This paper shows that great powers politics in the troubled waters has hindered the advancement of Indonesian's orderdriven policy.
This article aims to test competing explanations about the US foreign aid policy, namely interest-driven theory, humanitarian theory, and domestic political theory. Using longitudinal data on the amount of Official Development Assistance provided by the US to 155 recipient countries from 1960 to 2008, analyzed using random coefficient models, the research found that humanitarian and domestic political theories can account for the US foreign aid policy to the recipient countries for almost five decades better than the interest-driven theory. Generally, the US were more likely to send aid to poorer countries and/or countries where the US-based NGOs were actively involved. The econometric models also show that there are some cross-sectional and temporal variations in the aid. On average, countries receiving high amount of aid in the 1960s tend to have lower annual growth rate in the money they received from the US.
The existing literature on Indonesia's foreign policy has excluded the state from the category of an agent which shapes the country's external affairs. This trend certainly ignores the notion that foreign policy is a unique state activity taking place in the interface between domestic and international politics. To fill the gap, this article explores the idea about the family state and looks at its influence on the conduct of Indonesia's international relations. The argument is that the family state pursues order in international society in which sovereignty can be maintained. Indonesia plays the role of an order-maker in Southeast Asia through the Association of South East Asian Nations (ASEAN). The order-oriented actions are displayed by Jakarta's diplomacy to resolve border disputes with neighbouring countries in the region
Trans Pacific Partnership (TPP) is a trade agreement that originated Dati Trans Pacific Strategic Economic Partnership (TPSEP) which is a high standard agreement as it seeks to eliminate tax costs for trade in goods, services and agriculture, as well as to build and extend regulations about intellectual property rights issues, foreign investment, and other trade related issues. For the U.S. during the administration of President Barack Obama, TPP is projected as a manifestation of the "Pivot to Asia" policy that can form the foundation for shaping the economic and political architecture of the Asia Pacific region, but in its development, TPP gets many obstacles, Dati the domestic environment of the U.S. and Dati the international environment. That obstacles impacted the U.S. membership status in the TPP during the administration of President Donald Trump. President Donald Trump took a policy opposite to Barrack Obama by withdraws the U.S. membership Dati TPP on 23 January 2017, which marked by the Presidential Memorandum. This paper will analyze the factors that became the background of the U.S. withdrawal Dati the membership of TPP in the era of President Donald Trump. Based on the theory of foreign policy decision making Dati Richard C. Snyder, the authors found three factors that become the background of the policy: the conditions of the U.S. domestic politics, the condition of the U.S. economy and the international context.
Global surveys indicate that massive disillusionment with economic globalisation, upheld by the liberal order, which is ignored by governments in European, Asian and Latin American countries, has paved the way for the ascent of nationalist forces. This trend is also visible in Indonesia. President Joko Widodo (Jokowi) has consolidated power against opponents who exploit nationalist, populist and religious causes. On the international front, Jakarta has been actively engaged within a variety of multilateral organisations where liberal institutionalist agendas are enforced. Therefore, it is worthwhile considering the influence of internal and external environments on Jokowi's economic policy which is getting increasingly nationalistic. This article argues that nationalist economic practices have emerged as the Jokowi government's response to domestic and international challenges which can have an impact on its perceived legitimacy. The discussion proceeds in five steps. To begin, this article presents a comparative perspective to understand the position of Indonesia in the developing international political economic context. This is followed by an overview of the definition of economic nationalism and its connections to domestic politics and foreign relations. The third section is about the Indonesian government's efforts to put economic nationalism into effect. The next two parts investigate how the inside and outside dynamics generate Jokowi's inward-looking policies. The conclusion emphasises what can be learnt from the Indonesian case.
Foreign policy stated by Indonesia related to the Republic ofVanuatu support for the Indenpendence of West Papua does not happennaturally. It is influenced by the facts and values that are had by theIndonesia that led to the perception and influences the decision ofmaking process. Indonesia stated that West Papua is a part of therepublic of Indonesia. Therefore, Indonesia states a foreign policy ofRepublic of Vanuatu regarding the support for the independence ofWest Papua. The result of this research indicates that there are someforeign policies of Indonesia against the Republic Vanuatu support forthe Independence of West Papua based on set of orientation, set ofcommitments and a group of behavior action. This research usesrealism approach, the concept of international politics, the concept offoreign policy, the concept of power, the concept of national interest, andthe concept of sovereignty that can explain the foreign policy ofIndonesia against the Republic Vanuatu support for the independenceof West Papua 2015-2016
This research will examine the double standards of US foreign policy against the coup in Egypt in 2013, given that the US intervention against the Middle East region is very dominant. Attention and the US response be different in response to the case of the coup in Egypt. US seemed to not make this case as a priority despite the coup led to the violation of human rights and democracy. The response shown by the US is very different compared to the US intervention against Iraq and Libya are rated US itself as defending human rights and democracy in the region. The purpose of this research is to find out why the US double standards in its foreign policy related to the Egyptian coup. Data will be explored through literature method (library research). Overall the data will be correlated with foreign political theory of rational actor models that can explain the reason for choosing the attitude of the US double standard in a coup in Egypt in 2013 based on the selection and cost-benefit considerations on the measures taken. The results of this paper indicate that the indication of the double standards shown by the US to Egypt coup influenced by the victory of the Muslim Brotherhood (IM) as a political Islam that could interfere with the stability and US interests in the Middle East. Some of the options and the consequences have been considered by the US in response to the case, including participating ignoring their violations of democracy and human rights in the case even though it was contrary to the foundations and principles of US foreign policy. Another indication that support multiple standards is the response of US allies in the Middle East, such as Israel, Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates who consider IM as a threat to the stability and the Middle East region. Keywords: US double standards, US foreign policy, coup Egypt, political Islam, Muslim Brotherhood Penelitian ini akan mengkaji standar ganda politik luar negeri Amerika Serikat terhadap kudeta di Mesir tahun 2013, mengingat bahwa intervensi AS terhadap kawasan Timur Tengah sangat dominan. Perhatian dan respon AS terlihat berbeda dalam menanggapi kasus kudeta di Mesir. AS seolah tidak membuat kasus ini sebagai prioritas walaupun kudeta tersebut berujung pada pelanggaran HAM dan demokrasi. Respon yang diperlihatkan oleh AS sangat berbeda jika dibandingkan dengan intervensi AS terhadap Irak dan Libya yang dinilai AS sendiri sebagai upaya penegakan HAM dan demokrasi di kawasan tersebut. Tujuan dari penelitian ini ialah untuk mencari tahu mengapa AS bersikap standar ganda dalam politik luar negerinya terkait dengan kudeta Mesir. Data akan ditelaah melalui metode kepustakaan. Keseluruhan data akan dikorelasikan dengan teori politik luar negeri model aktor rasional yang dapat memaparkan alasan AS untuk memilih sikap standar ganda dalam kudeta Mesir 2013 berdasarkan pemilihan dan pertimbangan untung-rugi atas tindakan yang telah diambil. Hasil dari penelitian ini menunjukkan bahwa indikasi standar ganda yang diperlihatkan oleh AS terhadap kudeta Mesir dipengaruhi oleh kemenangan Ikhwanul Muslimin (IM) sebagai political Islamyang dapat mengganggu stabilitas dan kepentingan AS di Timur Tengah. Beberapa pilihan dan konsekuensi telah dipertimbangkan oleh AS dalam merespon kasus ini, termasuk ikut mengabaikan adanya pelanggaran demokrasi dan HAM dalam kasus tersebut walaupun hal tersebut bertentangan dengan landasan dan prinsip politik luar negeri AS. Indikasi lain yang mendukung standar ganda ialah respon sekutu AS di Timur Tengah, seperti: Israel, Arab Saudi, dan Uni Emirat Arab yang menganggap IM sebagai ancaman bagi stabilitas dan kawasan Timur Tengah. Kata kunci: standar ganda AS, politik luar negeri AS, kudeta Mesir, politik Islam, Ikhwanul Muslimin
This article analyzed the opportunities and challenges of Indonesia maritime diplomacy in the context of the Indian Ocean Rim Association (IORA). As part of the effort to realize the policy of global maritime fulcrum, Indonesia utilizes maritime diplomacy to look for the close cooperation and agreements with IORA member countries. Up to date, Indonesian foreign policy, specifically in the maritime field is tending to be more dominant to the Pacific Ocean rather than the Indian Ocean. Thus, this paper will explain how Indonesia implements its maritime diplomacy within IORA, and what the opportunities and challenges faced by Indonesia inside the association. Using the method of literature study, this descriptive paper uses the concept of maritime diplomacy and global maritime fulcrum in order to explain the study. This paper argues that IORA's strategic policy in maritime security and economic policies, links with Indonesia policy in global maritime fulcrum. Thus, Indonesia uses maritime diplomacy to take the advantages and opportunities to enhance maritime connectivity and cooperation with IORA members. Nevertheless, several issues challenge Indonesia like the increasing of great power states maritime influence such as India and China in the Indian Ocean, as well as challenges in integrating IORA member states.
This paper aims to explain the problem is getting the massive influx of foreign tourists to Indonesia. Massive foreign tourists to Indonesia appeared to have an impact on the potential threat of non-traditional Indonesia. Membajirnya foreign travelers in keveriusan akibatnkan by the government to capitalize on the object of the tourism industry as one of the country's foreign exchange objects. With the method of qualitative analysis supported by data collection techniques secondary and primary then produced the conclusion that the massive rating aving to Indonesia because of a) policies shaft maritime Jokowi wrong vatu orientation is the development of the tourism industry, b) bilateral relations between Indonesia and a number of countries is getting more intense including in the field of pariwisatwa, trade, investment, energy, etc., c) the geopolitical posture especially Indonesian mainly sea access easier for foreign tourists to visit Indonesia, including the illegal way. The result is a policy response one BVK make many visits to Indonesia. Dampakanya potentially against illegal behavior in the form of non tradisionaal threat of the emergence of illegal labor. This is related to the inability of the state to provide employment for its citizens but to take the labor of other countries. Thus, the policy of rating mobilization efforts should be supervised by all sides because of the potential not only to the emergence of foreign workers but other illegal behavior such as drug dealers etc.