Based on extensive fieldwork, this study provides an empirical and theoretical analysis of the debates on Republic of Moldova's foreign policy towards Romania. The author argues that Moldovan political actors involved in foreign policy debates are split into three main groups: Russophiles Europeanizers, Westernizers Romanophiles and Pragmatic Moderates. The study identifies two major themes of debate: a symbolic perspective emphasizing the ethnical origins of the Moldovans and the reunification issue and a pragmatic approach aiming at forging an economic partnership with Romania in order to facilitate Moldova's European integration.
At the end of World War I, Germany was neither politically, nor culturally "attendable", for most of the European countries. In this context, one of the main cultural aims of the Weimar Republic will be the resumption of the cultural and academic relations with other countries. The foreign students were invested with a major role in this respect. The Weimar Republic has taken institutional and financial steps in order to intensify the student migration and to repopulate its universities with foreign students, measures that have paid off in the mid 20s. In 1925, the percentage of foreign students in Germany reached again the pre-war level. The groups of foreign students best represented in the German universities were the Romanians, the Bulgarians and the Polish. The paper also takes a look at the evolution of the foreign students in Germany during 1918-1933, focusing on their country of origin, the preferred institutions of higher education and fields of study, as well as on the presence of female students from foreign countries in Germany.
Attracting of foreign direct investments (FDI) has becoming increasingly researched worldwide as they contribute to the economic growth of countries. The most important factors determining the choice of firms to expand internationally through FDI are: access to local resources, access to the domestic market, a high level of efficiency and strategic asset acquisition. The FDI flows of the European Union are still influenced by the global economic and financial crisis. In 2012 the FDI outflows decreased with 53 % as compared to 2011, registering their lowest level since 2004. The recovery will take longer than expected, mostly because of global economic fragility and policy uncertainty.
In this article is analyzed the essence and importance of soft power in the US foreign speech, as well as directions of activity of this instrument under the conditions of the Republic of Moldova. The soft power concept, its manifestations and its main sources are determined. It is argued that soft power is a mean to obtain favorable results, relying on conviction, voluntary participation, sympathy and attraction, representing the ability to influence other states in order to achieve own goals, through cooperation in certain areas, directed towards persuasion and formation of a positive perception. It is noted that the US government pays particular attention to soft power tools, implemented by both government agencies and a large number of community organizations and individuals, with the purpose of shaping a positive external image of the state. Regarding the implementation of the US soft power instruments under the conditions of the Republic of Moldova, it is concluded that the USA offers real opportunities in order to know and capitalize the achievements of the American nation. Given that the US is a superpower on the international arena, development of a strategic partnership between the Republic of Moldova and the US has a particular relevance in solving several problems that our state cope with, such as state integrity, European integration, democratization of society, etc. US has a rich and successful experience in the use of soft power, that is why the Republic of Moldova should "adopt" some certain aspects of the soft action in its foreign policy.
In the article, the cooperation between the Republic of Moldova and the European Union in the field of green entrepreneurship is considered as mutually beneficial in the light of strengthening the competitiveness of both economies. The author reveals such main domains of the cooperation as ecoagrofood, bio- and renewable energy. There are also highlighted the key programmes and projects as outcomes of governmental, communitarian, international and corporate efforts related to cooperation. A special attention is paid to the identification of some problems regarding the development of green entrepreneurship in the Republic of Moldova. For solving them as well as making the cooperation in the field more systematic and synergetically positive, the author suggests the elaboration of a joint RM-EU Strategy for the Development of Green economy and entrepreneurship.
This article examines the influence of the soft power on the process of ensuring the national interests of the Russian Federation and the Republic of Moldova. The author determines soft power as an important mean of securing national interests, an essential component of the process of realizing relations between states, deducting that soft power contributes to the foundation and promotion of national interests, the consolidation of stability, of order and peace and the creation of a positive image of the state on the international arena. Taking into consideration that the concept of soft power has developed, gaining a legal foundation in the Russian Federation quite recently, the importance of research on the subject is growing to follow how this concept has been defined and how its own action plan is developed and materialized without adapting the Western templates to Russian realities. The research of the soft power role in promoting the national interests of the Republic of Moldova stems from the fact that our state requires a clarification of the foreign policy objectives and their means of realization, a determination of the role of soft power, its specificity and its efficiency in the transmission of values by a democratic and modern state to other actors of the international process.
As a result of the Russian - Turkish war in 1806-1812 the Moldovan territory between the rivers Prut and Dniester, later called Bessarabia, was annex by the Russian Empire. The administrative policy of the Russian authorities in Bessarabia was closely connected with the progress and the foreign policy course of the Russian Empire. As Basarabia bordered in the West on the Russian Empire it had a great political and military importance being treated as a possible springboard for attack on Balkan. The process of administrative establishment in Bessarabia dependent upon the propesed objectives in foreign policy and upon the Empire`s political interests. The implementation and consolidation process of the Russian administrative system in Bessarabia can be divided into three distinct periods. The first period - from 1812 to 1818. A temporary system of administration has been institued which was similar to that existent in Moldova, the idea of a continuation of the administrative system being accredited. In the period of administrative authonomy (1818-1828) the Suprem Council has been established, which was the suprem administrative and juridical body in Bessarabia. At the same time, administrative institutions characteristic of the Russian system of administration were founded in the region. The last period between 1828 and 1917 is the final period in the process of consolidationof Russian administration in Bessarabia. With the foundation of the administrative system according to "The Locality" from 1828 the implementation of Russian administrative structures in the region ends, but some exeptions. After the realization in the region of administrative reforms in the 60s - 70s of the XIX century administration in Bessarabia becomes identical with that in central provinces of the Russian Empire. Administration in Bessarabia was an obedient instrument in carrying out the Russian colonial policy in the region. Russian autorities permanent objects were making Bessarabia dependent on them discreditation of the national system of administration, disregard of the local administrative institutions and practic, subestimation of Moldovan laws.
As a result of the Russian-Turkish war in 1806-1812 the Moldovan territory between the rivers Prut and Dniester, later called Bessarabia, was annex by the Russian Empire. The administrative policy of the Russian authorities in Bessarabia was closely connected with the progress and the foreign policy course of the Russian Empire. As Basarabia bordered in the West on the Russian Empire it had a great political and military importance being treated as a possible springboard for attack on Balkan. The process of administrative establishment in Bessarabia dependent upon the propesed objectives in foreign policy and upon the Empire`s political interests. The implementation and consolidation process of the Russian administrative system in Bessarabia can be divided into three distinct periods. The first period - from 1812 to 1818. A temporary system of administration has been institued which was similar to that existent in Moldova, the idea of a continuation of the administrative system being accredited. In the period of administrative authonomy (1818-1828) the Suprem Council has been established, which was the suprem administrative and juridical body in Bessarabia. At the same time, administrative institutions characteristic of the Russian system of administration were founded in the region. The last period between 1828 and 1917 is the final period in the process of consolidationof Russian administration in Bessarabia. With the foundation of the administrative system according to "The Locality" from 1828 the implementation of Russian administrative structures in the region ends, but some exeptions. After the realization in the region of administrative reforms in the 60s - 70s of the XIX century administration in Bessarabia becomes identical with that in central provinces of the Russian Empire. Administration in Bessarabia was an obedient instrument in carrying out the Russian colonial policy in the region. Russian autorities permanent objects were making Bessarabia dependent on them discreditation of the national system of administration, disregard of the local administrative institutions and practic, ubestimation of Moldovan laws.
The author examines the creation and functioning of the Romanian propaganda office at the General Commission of Romania for the New York World's Fair (1939-1940). He analyses two previously unpublished documents from the Archives of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, relevant to the topic under scrutiny. The activity of the office was coordinated by the diplomat Andrei Popovici. His subordinates were the press attach. from the Romanian Legation in the USA, Horia Babeş, Paul Sterian, economic councillor, and Petre Neagoe, writer. The monthly budget was 750 $ (the rate of those years) for the daily expenses and salaries. The propaganda office started its activity in January 1939. It used to publish a bulletin, to help issuing stamps, to prepare propaganda posters, to publish and translate brochures. It also used to send presentations of Romania to journals, such as Cleveland News , Chicago Tribune, Detroit Free Press, New York World Telegram etc., and articles on Romania to newspapers (Annalist, Journal of Commerce etc.), or to occasional publications (Going to the Fair, a Preview, International Guide etc.). The images the propaganda office used to handle were reproducing usual elements of the domestic and foreign official discourse of Charles II: Romania was a totally new country, based on a new social contract ("the royal revolution"), that was looking persistently towards "tomorrow's world" (the slogan of the American fair); this future was build with Romanian resources and strengths, mobilized by "the king of young people and of the peasants".
The article is an attempt to connect the concepts of public diplomacy and human security through the experience of the European Union, in the context of the COVID-19 pandemic. In the first part, the concepts of public diplomacy and human security are analyzed. Public diplomacy is a form of contemporary diplomacy focused on information, understanding and influencing the public in other states in order to achieve the goal. Human security aims at the quality of people's lives, in the way that any factor that diminishes their quality is perceived as a threat to security. The second part focuses on identifying the defining aspects of public diplomacy in the European Union, as a way to achieve foreign policy and security objectives. The last part deals with the ways in which the European Union has tried to respond to the challenges posed by pandemic and infodemic coronavirus with implications for human security. Also, the values of human security that are promoted through public diplomacy activities have been identified, both inside and outside the European Union.
The European Union is a rather new player in international relations. The European Union is neither a state nor international organization. With the accession to the European Union, the states transfer some attributes of sovereignty and, thus, the governing is done by the European Union mostly, taking part in its relations with third countries. At the same time, it contains some elements of the union (confederation, federation). Therefore, the European Union is more than an international organization. We find elements of the federation, confederation without being identified as such, being established on a system of organization. The European Union aims for integration of societies within a single economic, social, political, legal area. The European Union acts as a proper system based on an idea of creating strong Union bonds between the people of Europe, by establishing an internal market, an economical Union. The European Union, in its relations with the member states, keeps the ultimate goal that it has, being an international legal person, special competences, realizing common goals established with the member states. The legal basis of the European Union is represented by two treaties: the Treaty on European Union and the Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union. The well-known Lisbon Treaty represents legally an amending treaty of the previous legal instruments - a compromise between the need for reform, on the one hand, and the need to live in a united Europe, on the other hand. The member states of the EU relate to two legal systems. As a result of their participation in an international organization with supranational character, Member States of the European Union assume a number of commitments with repercussions to their state sovereignty. The Member States coexist with the European Union. The European Union has become, along with its Member States, a matter of international law; even if it shows itself as a conglomerate of states - international organization; it is a union of states established by state attributes, an entity more complex and powerful, with a higher importance with its relations with the Member States, but also with an increased influence on international arena.
