Suchergebnisse

Despite long traditions for contact with Latin America, increasing trade and investments in the region and important contributions to the recent peace process in Colombia, Latin America is often depicted as a "forgotten region" in Norway. Through a series of thematic analyses of the extent of Norway's contacts with Latin America, the authors of this anthology seeks to correct this perceived image of a "forgotten region". - På tross av lange tradisjoner for kontakt med Latin-Amerika, økende handel og investeringer i Latin-Amerika og viktige bidrag og engasjement i fredsprosessen i Colombia, blir ofte Latin-Amerika fremstilt som en glemt region her hjemme. Forfatterne av denne boken søker å korrigere dette inntrykket gjennom en rekke tematiske analyser som viser bredden av vår kontakt med regionen.

Artiklen sammenligner Habermas' rekonstruktion af oplysningstidens statsteori med den portugisiske retssociolog Boaventura Santos' pluralistiske retsopfattelse, der både karakteriseres som postmoderne og præmoderne. På den baggrund udkaster Dalberg-Larsen den provokerende tese, at den moderne ret, som Habermas analyserer, er en kort parentes i den historiske udvikling. Den aktuelle tilbagevenden til en pluralistisk retstilstand, der minder om middelalderens, behøver imidlertid ikke at være et tilbageskridt, der underminerer retssikkerheden og øger vilkårligheden. Pluralismen sætter en dagsorden, der kræver øget kommunikation mellem forskellige retsordener, hvor indpodningen af et demokratisk element i alle retsordener med men¬neskerettighederne som fælles referenceramme kan sættes som betingelse for, at de enkelte retsordener ikke udelukkes fra kommunikation med andre.

The focus of this article is an educational encounter during a social science project at a junior high school in Norway. The topic of the school project was the Norwegian Constitution of 1814. In this Constitution, many of the ideas of the French and American revolutions had been adopted, e.g. popular sovereignty and the separation of power. Nevertheless, the Constitution also reflected intolerant ideas, especially with regards to the so-called Jews-paragraph, whereby Protestantism was proclaimed, and Jews were excluded from the Norwegian state. In the educational encounter analyzed in this article, I argue that the notion of an exceptional Norwegian democracy affects the narrative constructed about the Norwegian Constitution. This notion serves to exclude the Jews-paragraph from the narrative. The postcolonial concept of Nordic exceptionalism constitutes an important theoretical framework for the analyses of the educational encounter. In the contemporary Norwegian society, immigration regulation by laws again has relevance. This article, therefore, discusses the critical classroom conversations thematizing the Jews-paragraph could have led to, by pointing at different historical and present-day topics of relevance. The discussion implicates the importance of recognizing the role and impact state-led control, violations and exclusion of minorities have in Norwegian history. Not recognizing these aspects of history can lead to the production and reproduction of idealized and exceptional national narratives.

I skyggen af atombomberne over Hiroshima og Nagasaki i 1945, trådte Danmark som resten af verden ind over tærsklen til atomƯalderen og kort efter ind i den kolde krig. Denne kombination af atomteknologi og global ideologisk oprustning skulle vise sig at få en lang række konsekvenser i det danske samfund. I midten af 1950erne udviklede først USA siden Sovjetunionen begge brintbomber, også kaldet termonukleare våben. Brintbombens effekt er mange gange større end atomƯbombens, og måltes i megaton mod atombombens kiloton. Den største brintƯbombe, som blev prøvesprængt i oktober 1961, var en sovjetisk bombe på ca. 50 MT, nok til i givet fald at lægge en større by øde.I 1968 stod Regeringsanlæg Vest, i daglig tale REGAN Vest, færdig. Som en moderne Noas Ark blev anlægget designet med henblik på at give dets beboere de bedst mulige betingelser for at overleve den nukleare syndflod, som under den kolde krig og med den våbenteknologiske udvikling, blev et stadig mere realisƯtisk scenarie.Denne bog handler om reaktionerne i Danmark på den termoƯnukleƯare revolution i form af de forestillinger, både myndigheder og borgere gjorde sig om den mulige krig. En planlægning gik i gang for i videst muligt omfang at sikre statens og civilsamƯfundets overlevelse, hvis en krig skulle bryde ud. Perspektivet i denne udgivelse er civilƯsamfundets ? hvad ville der ske med stat, samfund og borgere ? og dermed føjer bogen et nyt og hidtil næsten uudforsket kapitel til den kolde krigs historie

In this article, it is argued how chronologization implicates cultural connotations about age and the lifespan, from the time of pre-industrialization until today.Pre-industrialization is here entitled pre-chronologization, indicating that perceptions of time were cyclic, and that people of all ages were supposed to participate in working and providing food. Generational age was an important characteristic for human life and for a person's place in the structures of power and wealth, but chronological age was hardly known.Due to industrialization, working life and human life were set in timely order, and citizenship rights in the modern welfare state were connected to chronological age - in all ages. This also meant a creation of certain age-based types of paternalism. Especially old age is characterized by the terms biomedicalization and gerontologization. In the postchronological culture, life and work is more in a flux. People live longer and are healthier than before. Aging is observed to be a phenomenon of diversity, and hence chronological age is not a convenient factor for grouping or characterizing people. But cultural considerations, as well as society and its rules seem to be lagging behind. Especially in the political discourse, where the global, growing amount of old people are entitled "age-quake", and "the aging society" implicating expectations of being an economic burden for societies.

The image of Bosnian war refugees in the Danish public

This article discusses sociological inve¬stigations of attitudes towards immi¬grants and refugees in Denmark. In¬stead of viewing attitudes as an attribu¬te of individual psychology or as deter¬mined by social class, the article sug¬gests examining the context of varying understandings and imaginations which set the frame for the meaningful presentation of a concrete event.
This approach is exemplified by a study of the reception of refugees from the former Yugoslavia in Denmark ba¬sed on articles from the Danish press from May 1992 to January 1995. These articles indicate that different attitudes towards refugees can be connected to representations based on different nar¬rative imaginations and collective me¬mories as well as other themes of cur¬rent interest in the public. These con¬texts have set different meaningful fra¬mes for understanding refugees and thereby influenced attitudes towards this group in the Danish public.
In summer 1992, before the arrival of larger groups of refugees, there was a positive attitude towards them in the press. There was general indignation to¬wards the war in Europe and a wide¬spread willingness to help the people suffering from ethnic persecution and cleansing. There were explicit referen¬ces to World War II which were unambi¬guously supportive of a positive attitu¬de toward these refugees.
By the autumn of the same year the¬re was a drift towards a more negative attitude. Episodes of thefts in the regi¬ons where refugee centres were located resulted in demands that criminal refu¬gees from the former Eastern Europe (the Baltic and exYugoslavia) be expel¬led. There were also reports from Ger¬many that neoNazis set fire to refugee camps, and this produced concern that the many foreigners in Denmark would provoke "German conditions" with eth¬nic and racist problems. Many Danish neighbours to these refugee centres we¬re surprised to see refugees from war torn Yugoslavia arriving wellfed and in new clothing. These refugees didn't fit the image of suffering which had been the basis for the unambiguous support the preceding summer. These people didn't appear to be "real" refugees.
The many media reports about the war in Bosnia helped create an understanding that refugees have a reason for being Denmark and that Denmark has an obligation to help. The referen¬ces to ethnic persecution during World War II have been superseded by an un¬der¬standing that the new refugees have es¬caped from a life that was similar to the Danish. "They are like us" is a sen¬tence that becomes more common in the media, and an understanding that the Bos¬nian war refugees have been forced to leave a life style similar to the Danish one emerge "it could have been us". This is the basis for development of a public understanding of the Bosnian re¬fugees as a new type of "real" refugees.
The positive attitudes that have de¬veloped towards the predominantly Muslim refugees from Bosnia point to the possibility that the widespread anta¬gonism in the Danish public towards immigrants with a Muslim background is not due to the religion itself, but rather the traditionalistic and nonmodern way of life that this religious affiliation symbolizes for many Danes.