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The author describes the aftermath of the Versailles Peace Treaty and its legal implications which led to a Franco-German approach encouraged by the British government and to the Locarno conference later on. The present article sketches the political interests of the main powers. Germany was not yet a member of the League of Nations and could not benefit from the system of collective security established under the League. Thus, such a regional system was established in Locarno, which was linked to the Geneva system, especially after Germany joined the League in 1926. The Locarno system eventually failed in 1925 during the Abessinian Crisis. References. Adapted from the source document.

This article is an introduction to this journal which focuses on security threats in East Asia. According to the author of this article, East Asian countries such as Taiwan, South Korea, Singapore, Hong Kong, & Thailand have become powerful economic players in the last three decades. Despite poverty, religious & ethnic tensions, & outright conflicts, East Asia will play a part in the future of world economy & international politics. Therefore, the question of peace & security in the region is very significant. The author contends there are four major security problems that affect and intertwine with the region's economic development: 1) North Korea's desire to develop nuclear weapons; 2) Japan's redefinition of its security needs; 3) territorial conflicts, including the dispute over the Dokdo Takeshima Isles between South Korea & Japan, & 4) China's economic rise, the resulting modernization of its army, & its demands for greater power in the region. A. Kallioinen

This is a polemic commentary on Christian Tomuschat's (2006) interpretation of the Israel vs. Hisbollah conflict in Lebanon in summer of 2006. The topic discussed is the application of the international law of armed conflict in asymmetric situations involving states & nonstates. It is argued that recent wars between state & nonstate actors can no longer be interpreted in the light of the classical model of armed conflict between two nation-states. This model is based on the historically debunked & invalidated premise that only nation-states enjoy the monopoly & legitimacy of exercising physical violence. Lebanon is characterized as a failed state & Hisbollah is defined as a political actor without institutional or territorial basis which, nonetheless, can be treated, from the international law perspective, as an actor with a parity status to that of a state. However, this approach needs to resolve the strong vs. weak asymmetry associated with warring parties of which one is a state & the other is not. Issues of double standard, proportionality of military response, & preferential treatment of nonstate actors need also to be addressed. Z. Dubiel

This short critique outlines some of the main points of contention arising from the recently published Human Security Report 2005. It is argued that the optimistic picture painted by the report is misleading, as the notion of "freedom from fear" goes beyond a measurement of conflict-related deaths as the prime indicator for levels of human (in)security. Instead, the value of human security lies in furthering our understanding of post-conflict peacebuilding, of the link between security & (human) development, & of the requirements for responsible collective action by the international community. References. Adapted from the source document.

Despite more than twelve years of negotiations on the North Korean nuclear (weapons) program, no substantial progress has been achieved. Instead, positions became obdurate & were accompanied by implicit & explicit threats. The threat potential of the chronically unstable & erratic People's Republic, however, exceeds its immediate actions: The continuity of the conflict may spur indirectly other present or dormant tensions in the region as well, aside from potentially escalatory developments on the Korean Peninsula itself. Such an evolution has to be counteracted, whereby regional conflict prevention comes to the front due to limited influence on Pyongyang itself. References. Adapted from the source document.

The UN Security Council's function in maintaining international peace & security comprises the absence of large-scale, man-made human sufferings. Although members of the Security Council were not always able to protect human rights efficiently, the Council's decisions are based -- from a legal point of view -- on consistent criteria for action. Moreover, the Council enjoys discretionary powers which do not create a duty to act. In the follow-up of the unilateral interventions in Kosovo & Iraq member States have also accepted broad competences of the Security Council to deal with human rights for the purpose of long-term conflict prevention. Thus, States hope the prevent more severe forms of unilateral interventions & try to create a more efficient system of conflict prevention within the UN. References. Adapted from the source document.

A commentary on the polemic between Christian Tomuschat (2006) & Michael Wolffsohn concerning the international law implications of Israel's attack against Hisbollah in the Lebanon war of 2006. The issues of the legal right to wage war, proportionality in exercised violence, & humanitarian respect of civilians are at the center of the discussion here, as Tomuschat's & Wolffsohn's views are considered & compared. The arguments of both, as the former criticizes & the latter supports Israel's military actions in Lebanon, are assessed from the perspective of international law. The larger problem of asymmetric conflict between states & nonstates is addressed, drawing also on the lessons of the US response against Al Qaeda in Afghanistan in the aftermath of September 11. Three positions are characterized vis-a-vis the ethical aspect of violence in international context: (1) political realism, (2) pacifism, & (3) the theory of justified war. The ineffectiveness & counter-productiveness of the "Land for Peace" approach in Middle East peace negotiations are also examined from the perspective of balance of power in the region & asymmetric conflicts between states & nonstates, ie, Israel vs PLO/Hamas & Israel vs Hisbollah. Z. Dubiel

Although there are a couple of promising, often criss-crossing arrangements to provide for sound regionalism & qualitative multilateralism firmly in place in North & Southeast Asia, this has not yet entailed strongly institutionalized structures binding the political actors involved. This is not at least true for the perspective of an East Asian Security Community. Major reasons are -- apart from the Sino-Japanese competition for regional supremacy -- nationalism, ongoing reservations against sharing in or giving away state sovereignty and, closely attached, the imperatives of political power held by the different actors in the region. East Asia therefore needs a "benevolent hegemone" -- a role which currently can, however, only be played by the U.S. References. Adapted from the source document.

The implications of the September 11 terrorist attacks in the US for international & constitutional law are assessed, addressing several interrelated issues: (1) terrorists as subjects of criminal vs. international law, (2) constitutional law changes necessitated by combating terrorism (the German Constitutional Court decision of 15 February 2006), (3) national interest as a key factor in the interpretation of international law (differences in international law interpretation between Germany, Israel, & the US), (4) Article 51 of the UN Charter on states' right to wage war, (5) state & nonstate actors in military conflicts, (6) the ambiguity of Article 51 as to the state/nonstate status of the aggressor, (7) did the US have the right to attack Afghanistan because Al Qaeda operated from its territory? (8) the phrase "war on terrorism;" its origin & use in US English but absence in European languages, (9) responses to the terrorist attacks in Madrid & London, (10) should terrorism be combated with military means only? (Is "war on terrorism" effective?), & (11) did US military interventions in Afghanistan & Iraq diminish or increase the threat of future terrorist attacks? Z. Dubiel

The recent reduction in the incidence of warfare is impressive. However, it will not necessarily prove a lasting success. While the international community of troop contributors & development donors has become better in preventing & stopping armed conflicts, this has not been repeated in the area of post-conflict peace-maintenance. A number of factors are responsible for these disappointing results, including the behavior of external actors in post-conflict societies. Most importantly, however, creating lasting peace following conflicts has proven time & again to be difficult & costly. So far, the international community has shown only limited willingness to address the discrepancy between its success in ending wars & its failure in building lasting peace. References. Adapted from the source document.

40 years after its adoption by the General Assembly of the United Nations, the effectiveness of the International Covenant on Economic, Social & Cultural Rights -- in terms of the realization of all rights codified in the covenant -- turns out to be negative. Nevertheless, the Covenant has yielded important political & legal processes which, in the long-term, establish the conditions for a more effective implementation of at least some key economic social rights. The article discusses these processes at three levels: agenda- & normsetting, norm development as well as institutionalization of implementation procedures. The results show that the rights laid down in the Covenant have gained considerable precision & growing acceptance as justifiable rights. Moreover, the implementation of an individual complaint mechanism to the covenant has been increasingly approved by experts & governments. References. Adapted from the source document.

China's rise to regional & even world power status has become widely accepted due to her rapid economic development over the last 25 years & her increasingly proactive foreign policy. This rise does undoubtedly have an impact on the neighboring states in Northeast & Southeast Asia. They hedge against the possibility of a more aggressive China in the future & cling to the U.S. as an indispensable security partner. In view of the continuing strong U.S. presence & Japan's position in the region, a new Pax Sinica is not on the horizon. References. Adapted from the source document.

Christian Tomuschat's (2006) discussion of Israel's military response to Hisbollah's hostage-taking of two Israeli soldiers in summer of 2006 provides background for addressing several issues pertaining to the interpretation of the right of states & nations to self defense within the framework of international law & Article 51 of the UN Charter. Tomuschat's view that only lawful military targets can be engaged when a state responds to an armed attack is supported, adding that armed hostage-taking can constitute an "armed attack," thus meeting the condition of Article 51 for a legitimate military action. It is argued, however, that the use of armed force in self-defense against nonstate actors is neither a "war" nor a "military conflict," as those terms are known under international law. Accordingly, the UK was not at war with the US in 1837, nor can the US be at war with al Qaeda now. It is stressed that regardless whether Israeli incursion into Lebanese territory to target nonstate actors met the definition of "war," it was bound by international law to limit civilian casualties through proper application of the principles of necessity & proportionality & to observe human rights, which are nonderogable regardless of a claimed necessity to violate them. Z. Dubiel