Germany's choice: balanced injustice or bias toward international law
In: Palestine-Israel journal of politics, economics and culture, Band 24, Heft 3-4, S. 16-19
ISSN: 0793-1395
In: Palestine-Israel journal of politics, economics and culture, Band 24, Heft 3-4, S. 16-19
ISSN: 0793-1395
World Affairs Online
In: Palestine-Israel journal of politics, economics and culture, Band 24, Heft 3-4, S. 90-96
ISSN: 0793-1395
World Affairs Online
In: Zeitschrift für Friedens- und Konfliktforschung: Studies in peace and conflict : ZeFKo, Band 8, Heft 2, S. 161-181
ISSN: 2192-1741
World Affairs Online
In: Survival: global politics and strategy, Band 60, Heft 6, S. 159-180
ISSN: 0039-6338
World Affairs Online
In: Foreign affairs, Band 98, Heft 1, S. 101-116
ISSN: 0015-7120
World Affairs Online
In: Journal of international peacekeeping, Band 23, Heft 1-2, S. 24-49
ISSN: 1875-4112
Recent peace operations1 demonstrated that traditional principles of peacekeeping require a significant interpretation to serve the needs of UN peacekeeping. There is a clear mismatch between doctrine and current practices. Furthermore, as many analysts point out, one underlying problem in peace operations lies in the lack of an overall strategy because any action in operations is as worthy as it supports the overall strategic objective. The authors argue that the current UN system is not capable to produce and maintain strategies, hence, strategic theory and doctrine can be useful in closing the gap between what is being asked and what UN peace operations can deliver. In this context, this paper examines the UN structure and peace operations from the perspective of strategy and doctrine. It provides proposals for each level of UN structure through the lens of strategic theory and discusses six main conceptual themes that need to be clarified in a new doctrine.
World Affairs Online
In: Journal of international peacekeeping, Band 23, Heft 1-2, S. 82-104
ISSN: 1875-4112
As the mandate of peace support operations has evolved since the mid-1990s to embrace a protection of civilians mandate, the necessary linkages have not been made with international human rights law and associated jurisprudence in relation to the right to life. Consequently, the extent and scope of the UN's human rights obligations and the range of duty bearers involved is not properly appreciated and integrated into relevant instruments and administrative frameworks, which has a detrimental impact on the right to life. Given the absence of an oversight human rights mechanism for the UN, this article argues that jurisprudence from regional and international human rights bodies should be applied mutatis mutandis to peace support operations to bring more pressure and accountability to UN staff regarding adherence to international human rights standards. This includes not only front-line personnel using force, but also personnel responsible for: planning and controlling operations; operating command and coordination structures; providing training, information and equipment; establishing legal and administrative frameworks; and formulating operational guidelines and strategies.
World Affairs Online
In: European journal of international relations, Band 25, Heft 3, S. 698-722
ISSN: 1460-3713
Does peacebuilding shape the regime type of countries where international missions are deployed? Most peacebuilding missions take place in authoritarian contexts, and seek to overcome the legacies of conflict by overseeing transitions to democratic rule; however, most regimes that experience peacebuilding still retain some form of authoritarian rule. In this article, we examine the extent to which international peacebuilding missions contribute to the consolidation of post-conflict authoritarian regimes even when their stated aims involve the promotion of democracy. We argue that international peacebuilders can act as enablers of authoritarianism in host countries. We distinguish this category of behaviour from explicit 'autocracy promotion', which implies intentional support to autocracy. Instead, enabling is often an unintended consequence, and we identify two mechanisms through which enabling occurs: by building the capacity of incumbent authoritarian leaders and by signalling a permissive environment for authoritarian behaviour for national actors. We illustrate our argument with the case of the United Nations peacekeeping operation in the Democratic Republic of Congo.
World Affairs Online
In: Studies in conflict & terrorism, Band 42, Heft 7/9, S. 836-852
ISSN: 1057-610X
World Affairs Online
In: Australian journal of international affairs: journal of the Australian Institute of International Affairs, Band 73, Heft 6, S. 609-627
ISSN: 1035-7718
World Affairs Online
In: International affairs, Band 95, Heft 1, S. 25-43
ISSN: 0020-5850
World Affairs Online
In: International affairs, Band 95, Heft 1, S. 45-62
ISSN: 0020-5850
World Affairs Online
In: International affairs, Band 95, Heft 1, S. 161-180
ISSN: 0020-5850
World Affairs Online
In: Journal of intervention and statebuilding, Band 13, Heft 3, S. 304-322
ISSN: 1750-2977
World Affairs Online
Arbeit an der Bibliothek noch nicht eingelangt - Daten nicht geprüft ; Innsbruck, Univ., Masterarb., 2019 ; (VLID)3434768
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