Suchergebnisse

Arthur Friedenreich é um dos primeiros ídolos na memória do futebol brasileiro. No que diz respeito à escrita da história deste esporte no Brasil às voltas com os mecanismos da identidade nacional, qual leitura podemos fazer sobre a apresentação do seu principal personagem nas primeiras décadas do século XX? A fim de responder a esta pergunta, o objetivo deste artigo é analisar os escritos e as imagens sobre o ex-jogador Arthur Friedenreich em museus da cidade de São Paulo. Como fontes, utilizou-se o conteúdo de três exposições dessa cidade. Para a análise das imagens fotográficas, baseamo-nos em conceitos de sentido denotativo e conotativo presentes em uma imagem fotográfica e, para textualidades, em uma análise documental. Os resultados revelaram que estas exposições procuraram apresentar o ex-jogador como um dos heróis negros ou mulatos do futebol que, pela competência e mérito no jogo, contribuiu não só para a democratização da modalidade no país, mas também expressou a especificidade do "racismo à brasileira". Recorrentemente rememorado pelos museus que guardam a memória do futebol brasileiro, a biografia de Friedenreich chama a atenção para o sucesso do primeiro grande ídolo como orgulho étnico e nacional do país, ao mesmo tempo em que revela as ambiguidades da identificação racial no Brasil. ; Arthur Friedenreich is one of the first football Brazilian idols to become engraved in the memory of this sport. Regarding the writing of the history of this sport in Brazil dealing with the mechanisms of national identity, what can we learn with its main character in the first decades of the 20th century? To answer this question, we deal with the writings and images of the former player Arthur Friedenreich in three exhibitions in museums, which are located in the city of Sao Paulo. In the study, we refer to photographic images as a concept of denotative and connotative meaning and textuality as documentary analysis. The results revealed that these exhibitions sought to present the former player not only as one of the biggest black (or mulatto) heroes of football due to his competence and merit in this field, but also contributed to the democratization of the sport in the country. Besides, the research expressed the specificity of "the Brazilian way of racism". The prodigious performance of Friedenreich has been recurrently recalled by the museums that hold the memory of football. His biography draws attention to the success of the idol presenting the ambiguities of racial identification in Brazil.

"Now I have played some rugby football in my youth and I know that the second row in a rugby scrum is where the power and weight lies. It is the second row that provides the shoving and the pushing that eventually helps to win the ball in the scrums. Similarly, in negotiations, it is the second row that provides the background papers, the options and the research that the first row must depend on to make their political decisions" (Dhanapala 2007b, p.1). "While the LTTE's Peace Secretariat was flattened by bombing during the hostilities, that of the government continued to function through the fighting, albeit in a much diminished role. The government has not given a reason for its closure of the Peace Secretariat [after the end of the war] … It has indicated that it doesn't have use for a Peace Secretariat"(Ramachandran 2009b, n.p.). These two quotes refer to the peace secretariats established by the main conflict parties to assist the peace negotiations of 2002 and 2003 in Sri Lanka. They display a wide spectrum of perceptions about the support structures: while the peace process of 2002/2003 is widely seen as an exemplar of liberal peacebuilding, Sri Lanka after 2006 is often described as a model for counterinsurgency and regime stabilisation. This thesis argues that the peace secretariats, and in particular that of the government, were part of both endeavours. The research defines a peace secretariat as a unit within a larger organisation or an independent organisation that has been established by and is mandated by at least one of the conflict parties. It offers support relating to the negotiation, dialogue or mediation process, and the implementation of process results before, during or after official peace talks. Consequently, the empirical research concerns three peace secretariats in Sri Lanka, namely, the government's Secretariat for the Coordination of the Peace Process (SCOPP), the Peace Secretariat of the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE PS) and the Peace Secretariat for the Muslims (PSM). The research objective is to identify the peace secretariats' contributions to the peace negotiations and to conflict transformation. It furthermore seeks to explain these contributions and their possible limitations. Building on an inductive, qualitative approach to empirical research, the thesis presents a conceptual framework that can be rooted in Principal-Agent Theory and Stewardship Theory, Structuration Theory and deliberations on the influence of identity on violent conflict. The findings show that peace secretariats play an essential role in peace negotiations as they represent and provide access to the negotiating parties, and contribute to their professionalism. Besides operational functions, e.g. communication, inter-party facilitation and intra-party consultation, they have significant symbolic functions, e.g. signalling parity of status. Contributions to conflict transformation are more limited, less sustainable and can also have pejorative effects, thus contributing to confrontation and escalation within the conflict system. Peace secretariats contribute to ameliorative conflict transformation, if their mandates – defined by the respective principals – and the secretariats' self-concept, or organisational identity, allow for transformative action. Besides the explanatory conceptual framework, the research positions peace secretariats, which so far have not been subject to academic research, within the nascent concept of peace infrastructure and considers their role as potential agents for peaceful change or embedded third parties. Building on practical experiences in mediation and conflict transformation, the research in addition offers recommendations and points for consideration for establishing peace secretariats and third party support. ; "Now I have played some rugby football in my youth and I know that the second row in a rugby scrum is where the power and weight lies. It is the second row that provides the shoving and the pushing that eventually helps to win the ball in the scrums. Similarly, in negotiations, it is the second row that provides the background papers, the options and the research that the first row must depend on to make their political decisions" (Dhanapala 2007b, p.1). "While the LTTE's Peace Secretariat was flattened by bombing during the hostilities, that of the government continued to function through the fighting, albeit in a much diminished role. The government has not given a reason for its closure of the Peace Secretariat [after the end of the war] … It has indicated that it doesn't have use for a Peace Secretariat"(Ramachandran 2009b, n.p.). Diese beiden Zitate beschreiben die Friedenssekretariate, die von den zentralen Konfliktparteien zur Unterstützung der Friedensverhandlungen in Sri Lanka in den Jahren 2002/2003 eingerichtet wurden. Sie zeigen das weite Spektrum von Sichtweisen bezüglich der Unterstützungsstrukturen: während der Friedensprozess in den Jahren 2002/2003 oft als Paradebeispiel des "Liberal Peacebuilding" gesehen wird, wird Sri Lanka nach 2006 als Modell für Kontrainsurgenz und Regimestabilisierung beschrieben. Die vorliegende Dissertation zeigt, dass die Friedenssekretariate, und insbesondere das der Regierung, Teil beider Bemühungen waren. Die Arbeit definiert ein Friedenssekretariat als eingebettete oder unabhängige Organisationseinheit, die von mindestens einer der Konfliktparteien eingerichtet und mandatiert wurde. Sie bietet Unterstützung im Verhandlungs-, Dialog- oder Mediationsprozess sowie bei der Implementierung der Prozessergebnisse vor, während und nach offiziellen Friedensgesprächen. Mit Blick auf das Fallbeispiel Sri Lanka betrachtet die empirische Arbeit drei Sekretariate: das Sekretariat zur Koordinierung des Friedensprozesses der Regierung (SCOPP), das Friedenssekretariat der Tamilischen Befreiungstiger (LTTE PS), und das Friedenssekretariat für die Muslime (PSM). Die Forschung zielt auf die Identifizierung von Beiträgen der Sekretariate zu den Friedensverhandlungen und zur Konflikttransformation sowie die Erklärung dieser Beiträge und ihrer eventuellen Beschränkungen. Auf der Basis eines induktiven, qualitativen Forschungsansatzes präsentiert die Arbeit ein konzeptionelles Modell, das sich auf Prinzipal-Agenten Theorie und Stewardship Theorie, Strukturationstheorie sowie Überlegungen zum Einfluss von Identität bei Gewaltkonflikten bezieht. Die Ergebnisse zeigen, dass Friedenssekretariate eine essentielle Rolle in Friedensverhandlungen spielen, da sie die Verhandlungsparteien repräsentieren, Zugang zu ihnen ermöglichen und zu ihrer Professionalisierung beitragen. Neben operativen Funktionen, z.B. Kommunikation, zwischenparteilicher Vermittlung und innerparteilicher Konsultierung, haben sie auch eine symbolische Funktion, z.B. das Signal von Statusparität. Beiträge zur Konflikttransformation sind beschränkter, weniger nachhaltig und können auch pejorative Effekte haben, wodurch sie ggf. zu Konfrontation und Eskalation im Konfliktsystem beitragen. Friedenssekretariate tragen verbessernd zu Konflikttransformation bei, wenn Mandat – definiert von den jeweiligen Prinzipalen – und Selbstverständnis bzw. organisationale Identität dies erlauben. Neben dem erklärenden Konzept trägt die Forschung zur Positionierung von Friedenssekretariaten, die bisher nicht Gegenstand akademischer Untersuchung waren, innerhalb des neuen Konzepts von Friedensinfrastrukturen bei und diskutiert ihre Rolle als potentielle Agenten des Wandels oder eingebettete Drittparteien. Auf der Grundlage praktischer Erfahrungen in Mediation und Konflikttransformation entwickelt die Arbeit zudem Empfehlungen für die Einrichtung von Friedenssekretariaten sowie deren Unterstützung durch Drittparteien.

Im Jahr 2008 jährte sich zum 150. Mal der Geburtstag Ludwig Quiddes, der von 1890 bis 1892 das Preußische Historische Institut in Rom leitete und dort das Repertorium Germanicum (RG) initiierte, das noch heute zu den wichtigsten Unternehmen der historischen Grundlagenforschung zählt. Seine Satire "Caligula" war einer der erfolgreichsten Essays der Zeit, doch führten die Anspielungen auf Kaiser Wilhelm II. zum Ende seiner wissenschaftlichen Laufbahn. Auf der Basis eines beträchtlichen Privatvermögens betätigte er sich als Politiker und Publizist, insbesondere in der Friedensbewegung. Der aus einer Tagung hervorgegangene Sammelband würdigt Quidde als Historiker, als Persönlichkeit der Friedensbewegung und als Friedensnobelpreisträger. Ferner geht es um ihn als "Vater" des RG sowie des Tochterunternehmens Repertorium Poenitentiariae Germanicum (RPG). Dabei werden nicht nur die aktuellen Möglichkeiten der Erschließung der kurialen Registerserien und ihre Tragfähigkeit für Themen der europäischen Geschichte diskutiert, sondern auch die europäische Anschlussfähigkeit der unter Ludwig Quidde begonnenen Projekte ausgelotet sowie Perspektiven der modernen elektronischen Erschließung und Bearbeitung der kurialen Überlieferung aufgezeigt.

Coordination between different United Nations (UN) departments, funds, agencies, and programmes has become an issue of increasing concern for scholars and practitioners alike. With the United Nations taking on ever more ambitious roles in countries emerging from conflict ; no single unit or agency can master the task of post-conflict reconstruction ; also known as peacebuilding ; alone; instead ; a concerted effort is called for. Recent efforts at reorganizing the way the United Nations works in peacebuilding missions have not yielded the desired results of achieving a more coherent ; and in that way more efficient and more effective UN presence. In order to offer fresh inputs for the debate ; this paper looks at the issue of coordination from a theoretical perspective. Informed by organization theory ; a framework for interorganizational coordination is developed and then applied to the United Nations and peacebuilding. The main finding is that in order to improve interorganizational coordination and in lieu of trying to become one streamlined hierarchical organization ; the United Nations should acknowledge its network character and cultivate those social and structural control mechanisms which facilitate coordination in networks. ; Die Koordination zwischen verschiedenen Einheiten des Systems der Vereinten Nationen (VN) hat in den letzten Jahren sowohl für Praktiker als auch für Akademiker zunehmend an Bedeutung gewonnen. Da die Vereinten Nationen immer ambitioniertere Aufgaben der Konfliktnachsorge ; der Demokratisierung und des Wiederaufbaus in Krisenregionen übernehmen ; wird der Ruf nach einem koordinierten Vorgehen immer lauter – denn keine einzelne VN Unterorganisation kann die Fülle der Aufgaben allein bewältigen. Trotzdem haben die Bemühungen der letzten Jahre hin zu mehr Koordination und Integration bisher nicht die erhofften Ergebnisse gezeigt. Dieses Papier möchte zur aktuellen Debatte beisteuern ; indem es zuerst das Thema "Koordination" von einem theoretischen Blickwinkel aus beleuchtet. Basierend auf den Erkenntnissen der Organisationslehre wird ein theoretisches Modell der Koordination entwickelt – dieses wird dann auf die Vereinten Nationen als Unternehmer von Friedensmissionen angewandt. Haupterkenntnis ist hierbei ; dass ; um interorganisationelle Koordination innerhalb der Vereinten Nationen zu verbessern ; die sozialen und strukturellen Koordinationsmechanismen gestärkt werden sollten ; die dem netzwerkartigen Charakter des Systems entsprechen – anstatt weiterhin zu versuchen ; über das ganze System hinweg eine straffe Hierarchie durchzusetzen.

The final third of the twentieth century has been described by the intellectual historian Daniel Rodgers as an 'age of fracture', when the means of talking about the 'aggregate aspects of human life' changed dramatically. Similarly, Tony Judt argues in his magnum opus Postwar, old political constituencies based on 'elective affinities of large groups of voters' gave way to interest in specific policies by much smaller, more closely defined groups in the 1970s. So it is fitting that two new books on the debate over nuclear technology, which became a seminal subject within West German politics during the late 1970s and early 1980s, approach the issue from the perspectives of particular confessional and professional organizations, and thus contribute to our understanding of the way politics functioned in a disaggregated society.

For the past two decades, the standard recipe to promote long-term peace in war-torn coun-tries was to create western-type state-structures. The success-rate of this model has been modest at best. Rather than new western-type states, we have witnessed the emergence of hybrid regimes in which external actors often remain engaged in the long-run. This disserta-tion makes the case to treat these new forms of hybrid regimes not as incomplete statebuild-ing processes, but rather as specific types of political regimes (post-conflict polities). Based on a qualitative review of 19 post-conflict countries, it differentiates between six types of post-conflict polities ( Let s Share polities, Doomed to Share polities, Let the Winner Take it All polities, The Winner Took it All polities, You Stay Out polities and Benevolent Intru-sion polities). In ten empirical case-studies, the different polity-types are characterized in detail.

In the late eighteenth century, Swedish ships frequently sailed in the Western Mediterranean. They could be found in Marseilles, Livorno, Genoa, Alicante, Sicily, Sardinia, and North Africa, as well as in Cadiz and Lisbon outside the Mediterranean. Indeed, the Mediterranean was an area of great importance for Swedish shipping. How was it possible that Sweden - a small country in northern periphery of Europe - could play such a prominent role in carrying trade in Southern Europe? There are a number of plausible explanations but an especially significant factor was the fact that Sweden had peace treaties with North African states. The treaties improved the security of Swedish-flagged vessels, reducing their protection and operation costs, insurance premiums, etc. It was economically reasonable for foreigners to employ Swedish carriers. The topic of this essay is this connection between the establishment of peace relations between Sweden and North African states and the success of the Swedish carrying business in Southern Europe. The issue is approached from the protection-cost perspective (institutional economics) and related to the different concepts of security: state security, economic security and in a certain sense also human security.

Südosteuropa-Gesellschaft. Hrsg. von Günther Wagenlehner ; Beitr. teilw. dt., teilw. engl. ; Volltext // Exemplar mit der Signatur: München, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek -- 92.22674

In 2008 the conflict between Georgia and the secessionist republics Abkhazia and South Ossetia escalated into a war between Georgia and Russia. The case study about the Georgian-Abkhaz Peace process investigates the developments of this process in the post-Soviet era, tracing the reasons for its eventual collapse and the military conflict between Georgia and Russia, with grave consequences for the post-Cold War European security architecture. The text also provides a handbook of the Georgian-Abkhaz peace process, the first peace process Russia was involved in as mediator in the post-Soviet era. ; Im Jahr 2008 weitete sich der Konflikt zwischen Georgien und den abtrünnigen Republiken Abchasien und Südossetien zu einem Krieg zwischen Georgien und Russland aus. Die Fallstudie über den georgisch-abchasischen Friedensprozess untersucht die Entwicklung dieses Prozesses in der post-sowjetischen Ära und stellt die Frage nach den Gründen für seinen letztendlichen Zusammenbruch und den militärischen Konflikt mit Russland, mit seinen gravierenden Folgen für die europäische Sicherheitsarchitektur nach dem Ende des Kalten Krieges. Gleichzeitig bietet die Arbeit ein Handbuch des georgisch-abchasischen Friedensprozess, dem ersten Friedensprozess der postsowjetischen Ära, an dem sich Russland als Mediator beteiligte.

Im Mai 2014 wurde die Staatspräsidentin Malawis, Joyce Banda, abgewählt; die Wahlen verliefen friedlich. In ihrer Amtszeit engagierte sie sich für mehr Transparenz und gegen Korruption, war aber auch selbst von Skandalen betroffen. Die Unzufriedenheit in der Bevölkerung wuchs, es gab immer wieder massive Proteste. Dennoch kam es nie zu einem gewaltsamen Konflikt. Analyse Subsahara-Afrika ist der Kontinent mit den meisten inner- und nichtstaatlichen Kriegen. Gleichwohl gibt es einige Länder, für die dieser allgemeine Trend nicht gilt und die trotz ähnlicher politischer, wirtschaftlicher und sozialer Ausgangsbedingungen nicht von organisierter Gewalt betroffen sind, die sogenannten "Friedensinseln". Dabei kommt es in diesen Ländern durchaus zu politischen Protesten, doch ein großflächiger Ausbruch von Gewalt konnte bislang verhindert werden. In den Friedensinseln Subsahara-Afrikas (Äquatorialguinea, Gabun, Swasiland, Benin und Malawi) bestätigen sich die Annahmen der statistischen Friedensforschung: Sowohl demokratische Regime wie Malawi und Benin als auch autokratische Regime wie Äquatorialguinea, Gabun und Swasiland sind tendenziell eher friedlich. Staaten im Wandel oder mit politischen Mischformen hingegen sind anfälliger für großflächige Gewalt und Krieg. Dabei spielt die langfristige Stabilität der Regime eine große Rolle: Sind Regierungen bereits lange an der Macht oder ist ein System über längere Zeit stabil, ist der Erhalt von Frieden wahrscheinlicher. Demgegenüber bietet die wirtschaftliche Entwicklung der fünf Länder keine ausreichende Erklärung für ihre friedliche Entwicklung: Ein Großteil der Bevölkerung dieser Länder lebt in Armut. Die vorliegende Analyse geht von einem negativen Friedensbegriff aus: Die Friedensinseln werden als frei von organisierter, direkter Gewalt, die eine gewisse Schwelle von Todesopfern überschreitet, gekennzeichnet. Die Definition eines konsolidierten, langfristigen Friedens sollte über einen eingeschränkten Friedensbegriff hinausgehen und positive Aspekte, wie die Anerkennung von Minderheitenrechten und demokratische Teilhabe, einbeziehen.

This volume documents the speeches given on July 7, 2006 in Hamburg on the occasion of the ceremonial opening of the Carl Friedrich von Weizsäcker Center for Science and Peace Research (Zentrum für Naturwissenschaft und Friedensforschung, ZNF). The keynote speakers were Alyson J. K. Bailes, Head of the Stockholm Peace Research Institute (SIPRI), former Minister of State, Prof. Egon Bahr, former Head of the Hamburg Peace Research Institute (scientific peace research has gained a unique institutional foothold in Germany. Together with the Institut für Friedensforschung und Sicherheitpolitik, IFSH), Prof. Ernst Ulrich von Weizsäcker, a son of the namesake of the ZNF, and Prof. Wolfgang Panofsky from Stanford, USA.With the founding of the Centre at the University of Hamburg, headed by Prof. Dr. Martin Kalinowski, scientific peace research has gained a unique institutional foothold in Germany. Together with the IFSH in Hamburg an inter- and multidisciplinary research network is being established which will open up new opportunities to explore the interaction of natural sciences, conflicts and international security against the background of the guiding principles of peace and sustainability and to integrate them into the training of natural scientists.

p. 251-253 ; Reviewed book : Markus Osterrieder, Das wehrhafte Friedensreich. Bilder von Krieg und Frieden in Polen-Litauen (1505-1595), Wiesbaden 2005, Reichert Verlag (Imagines Medii Aevi. Interdisziplinäre Beiträge zur Mittelalterforschung, vol. 20), 330 pp. ; s. 251-253 ; Tytuł pracy recenzowanej : Markus Osterrieder, Das wehrhafte Friedensreich. Bilder von Krieg und Frieden in Polen-Litauen (1505-1595), Wiesbaden 2005, Reichert Verlag (Imagines Medii Aevi. Interdisziplinäre Beiträge zur Mittelalterforschung, t. 20), ss. 330.

Abstract This doctoral dissertation describes a longitudinal research project seeking to contribute to our understanding the role of meaning-making processes in creating or obstructing societal and political transformations towards peace. The focus of the project is on the plurality and dynamicity of social knowledge in peace processes, thus I draw on the social representations theory, a constructivist approach to social knowledge. I investigated the case of the peace/resolution process regarding the Kurdish question in Turkey through three empirical studies using media data. First, various constructions of the concept of peace, their discursive function, and change in the constructions as the peace/resolution process continued are investigated by using corpus linguistic methods in the corpora of five newspapers for two-years period. Later, various representations of the peace/resolution process, their underlying cultural and ideological resources as well as their action orientations are scrutinized by performing critical discourse analysis. Lastly, various understandings of the peace process and communication strategies in dealing with other understandings are investigated by conducting qualitative content analysis and discourse analysis on readersa comments to an online newspaper. Through these studies, I investigate the historical, cultural, and political factors that influence constructions of different understandings of peace. I look at how these various subjective understandings exist together, how they deal with each other and how they orient people to treat othersa understandings. I also identify how the various understandings change as a result of interactions with each other and adapt to changing physical realities. Lastly, I interpret how these various understandings constitute social context that promote or impede social change towards peace. By doing so, I address the reciprocal and simultaneous influence between society members and social and political context through plurality and dynamics of social knowledge. I argue that focus on these relations provide a conceptual framework to address the complexity of move towards peace.

The relationship between past and present has been the subject of controversial debates in historical research time and again. In 2013, to give a prominent example, Philip Alston in a review essay discussed the issue of "Does the past matter?" with regard to a debate on the origins of human rights. The debate was dedicated to the controversial question of "[h]ow far back can we trace the genealogy of today's international human rights system". In this review, I would like to rephrase this question to ask instead to what degree the present matters for historical writing. Other than in the work of Alston, this is not meant as a question on the contingency and path-dependence of history, but rather as a reflection on how historians describe and evaluate the past and what role knowledge of the present may have in this context. .

Table of Contents I. INTRODUCTION II. LITERATURE REVIEW III. THE CONCEPTUAL FRAMEWORK 1\. Trends in Peace Missions 1.1. The Evolution of Interventions 1.1.1. Military Occupation and Colonial Rule 1.1.2. Mandates and Trusteeships 1.1.3. Traditional Peacekeeping 1.1.4. Multidimensional Peacebuilding 1.1.5. Statebuilding and Nation-building 1.1.6. International Transitional Administration 1.1.7. Quo Vadis? 1.2. Descriptive Analysis of UN Peace Missions 1.2.1. Number of UN Peace Missions 1.2.2. Duration 1.2.3. Manpower 1.2.4. Resources 1.2.5. Peacekeeping and Peacebuilding 2\. The Research Question 2.1. Friendly Takeover 2.2. Light Footprint 2.3. Reconciling the Two Approaches 2.4. Context Matters IV. THE ANALYSIS 1\. Concept Specification 1.1. Definition of Peacebuilding and Case Selection 1.2. Operationalization and Descriptive Data 1.2.1. Defining the Outcome 1.2.1.1. Security 1.2.1.2. Statehood 1.2.2. Constructing a Measure of the Scale of Peace Missions 1.2.2.1. Duration 1.2.2.2. Manpower 1.2.2.3. Resources 1.2.2.4. Scale of the Peace Missions in the Sample 1.2.3. Constructing a Measure of the Scope of Peace Missions 1.2.3.1. Did External Actors Enforce Peace with Military Power? 1.2.3.2. Did External Actors Participate in Executive Policing? 1.2.3.3. Did External Actors Engage in Security Sector Reform? 1.2.3.4. Did External Actors Take on Executive Powers? 1.2.3.5. Did External Actors Take on Legislative Powers? 1.2.3.6. Did External Actors Shape the New Constitution? 1.2.3.7. Did External Actors Take on Judicial Powers? 1.2.3.8. Did External Actors Decisively Shape Economic Policies? 1.2.3.9. Scope of the Peace Missions in the Sample 1.2.4. A Combined Measure of Mission Intrusiveness 1.2.5. Trends of Mission Intrusiveness 2\. Two-Step fs/QCA Analysis 2.1. From QCA to Two-Step fs/QCA 2.2. Definition of Remote and Proximate Conditions 2.3. Calibration of Fuzzy Sets 2.4. The Fuzzy Set Data Sheet 3\. Analysis 3.1. fs/QCA Analyses for Necessary Conditions 3.2. Two-step fs/QCA Analyses for Sufficient Conditions ...