Suchergebnisse

Includes bibliographies. ; As a feminist exploration of the problematic relationship between Afrikaans women and Afrikaner nationalism, this thesis is primarily concerned with the construction of the social identities of Afrikaans women between 1919 and 1931, the crucial formative years of Afrikaner nationalism. The relationship between women and Afrikaner nationalism is thus addressed by an investigation at the level of intellectual history. The emergence of Afrikaner nationalism at the beginning of the 20th century was accompanied by the articulation of a distinctive gender discourse, the study of which is central to this thesis. Within this discourse, which may be termed the "volksmoeder" discourse, a new identity and new roles were contrived for Afrikaner women. We first investigate the social and historical context in which the discourse was generated and then analyse the "volksmoeder" discourse itself by focusing on texts from Die Boerevrou, a women's magazine launched by Mabel Malherbe in 1919. Rather than taking the Die Boerevrou-texts for granted or seeing them as simple reflections of reality, they are investigated as constructions. The questions of why these particular constructions had appeared in that specific context and what ends they achieved are posed. Rather than simply taking the discursive constructions at face value they are construed as "answers" to certain underlying social and historical issues. On a theoretical level the problem of the construction of gender and ethnic identities is informed by recent work in the field of discourse analysis, while the imagining or invention of nation-communities is discussed with reference to the work of Benedict Anderson, Ernst Gellner, Eric Hobsbawm and Tom Nairn. The investigation of Die Boerevrou-texts as particular articulations of the volksmoeder discourse shows how the social identities of Afrikaans women were socially constructed in the volksmoeder discourse. It suggests that the social subjectivities of Afrikaans women were by no means simple or transparent. In the texts of Die Boerevrou it becomes clear that even while being shaped by Afrikaner nationalism, women themselves were active in the shaping of Afrikaner nationalism. While they were constituted as subjects in the anti-feminist discourse of Afrikaner nationalism, they remained mobile within this discourse: always negotiating, planning, creating and articulating new identities and roles for themselves. The image of women as passive victims of a male Afrikaner discourses is thus denied. However, it is asserted that the volksmoeder discourse as a gender discourse can and should be severely criticised from a feminist perspective.

This thesis is a feminist reading of the work of Henry Handel Richardson (1870-1946), which considers her four major novels: Maurice Guest (1908), The Getting of Wisdom (1910), The Fortunes of Richard Mahony (1930), and The Young Cosima (1939). It proposes that Richardson foregrounds the work of gender ideology in her novels, and that her work is also conscious about its own fictional procedures. This thesis argues that Richardson consciously examines the ideological aspect of narrative modes, such as naturalism, the Bildungsroman, and popular romance. Moreover, it illustrates her attempts to invent narrative strategies which subvert the conventional assumptions about gender inherent in those forms. "Gender Ideology and Narrative Form" draws on recent theoretical approaches to narrative, ideology, subjectivity, and dialogism, to argue that Richardson makes the ideological shaping of her stories most visible through manipulations of genre, plot, narrative voice, and point of view. Aspects of ideology examined include the Victorian and late-Victorian equation of masculinity with public rationality, mind, public achievement, and genius: and, on the other hand, the association of femininity with the body, passion, and private or domestic spaces. The thesis also considers some of the values and assumptions about gender implicit in nineteenth-century scientific thinking. Henry Handel Richardson has been viewed as a conservative writer, in both aesthetic and political terms. By contrast, I suggest that she resists the moral and representational codes of the realist or naturalist form, and that her uncompromising oppositional strategy achieves a number of radical results. It exposes and criticises the masculinist bias of certain representational methods; it offers new ways of representing female experience; and it insists that the private sphere must be treated also as a political space in which crucial power relationships are at work. My approach to Henry Handel Richardson's fiction opens new ways to see her work as ...

Rethinking Language and Gender Research is the first book focusing on language and gender to explicitly challenge the dichotomy of female and male use of language. It represents a turning point in language and gender studies, addressing the political and social consequences of popular beliefs about women's language and men's language and proposing new ways of looking at language and gender. The essays take a fresh approach to the study of subjects such as language and sex and the use of language to produce and maintain power and prestige. Topics explored in this text include sex and the brain; the language of a rape hearing; teenage language; radio talk show exchanges; discourse strategies of African American women; political implications for language and gender studies; the relationship between sex and gender and the construction of identity through language. [Amazon.com] ; https://digitalcommons.odu.edu/english_books/1005/thumbnail.jpg

The essays in this volume analyze and compare what it means to be Hakka in a variety of sociocultural, political, geographical, and historical contexts. Among the questions raised are how history is used to create a sense of Hakka Chinese identity within the Hakka diaspora; how Hakka identity is linked with social class and economic factors; how Hakka gender roles and communal egalitarian values have shaped Hakka culture in Malaysia; why a sense of Hakka identity has diminished in certain parts of Hong Kong and not in others; how concepts of self and other are expressed in the Hakka community in Calcutta; how Christianity has been incorporated into Hakka identity in Hong Kong; how and why Hakka identity has experienced a reawakening in Taiwan during the 1980s and early 1990s; and how Hakka identity was of relevance in the Chinese communist revolution and continues to be important in contemporary China. Guest People will be of interest to sinologists and scholars of Asian studies as well as to anthropologists, sociologists, and others concerned with ethnicity, migration, nationalism, and the cultural and historical construction of identity. ; The Transformation Fund of the Kenneth S. and Faye G. Allen Library Endowment at the University of Washington Libraries

Bibliography: pages 232-239. ; This project constitutes a close textual analysis of The South African Commercial Advertiser in the years 1824 and 1830 - 1831. It uses this text to explore issues around the making of colonial identity in Cape Town during the early nineteenth century, making use of post-structuralist theories about discourse and the textual nature of historical reality. It therefore hopes to build on already existing work which concerns this period, but which does not directly address issues of cultural change in this way. The study commences with an account of the Advertiser's conception of the place of the press in the reform agenda of the middle classes in Cape Town. It explores contemporary notions about the nature of the rational public sphere and its basis in a literate culture. The second chapter explores the reconstruction of social space in Cape Town and the way in which these middle class efforts were disrupted by troubling perceptions of the underclasses in the city. Chapters three and four address the notions of gender identity and labour organization which informed the Advertiser's conception of an appropriately civilized society, as well as exploring the way in which these perceptions were destabilized by their operation in the colonial context of the Cape. The final chapter looks at the importance of representative government in the aims of the paper, and draws together some threads on the nature of colonial identity at the Cape as expressed in the Advertiser.

This thesis addresses general questions about the relationship between the making of gender, the politics of national and ethnic identities, local - global articulations and the process of cultural transformation amongst Muslim Tausug and Sama communities in Sulu, the Southern Philippines. Specifically, I am concerned with the meaning, and experience, of the bantut, transvestite / transgender, homosexual men in Sulu. There is a long tradition of transvestism and transgendering in island Southeast Asia, where transvestites were considered to be sacred personages, ritual healers and/or, as in Sulu, accomplished singers and dancers who performed at various celebrations and rites of passage: embodiments of, and mediatory figures for, ancestral unity and potency. More recently, however, transvestites have emerged as the creative producers of an image of beauty defined in terms of an imagined global American otherness. This thesis is an attempt to understand and explain this phenomenon. In particular, I explore the relation between the collective endowment of the bantut as the purveyors of beauty, and their symbolic valorisation as impotent men and unreproductive/defiling women: those who are seen to have been overexposed to and transformed by a potent otherness. What is ultimately at stake, I argue, (and what is being asserted through the symbolic circumscription of the bantut) is local persons' autonomy over the process and consequences of cultural and political transformation in the face of the exclusionary violence of state enforced assimilation. However, the thesis is also concerned with the expressed transgenderal projects of the bantut themselves, a project which is variously about status and gender transformation, the elation and pleasure they experience in the production and performance of beauty, and the attempt to overcome the prejudice of the local populace, whilst establishing relationships that are based on mutuality and shared respect. What this thesis demonstrates is that there is nothing ambiguous about ambiguity, sexual or otherwise. Rather, it is the specific product or effect of different historical relations of power and resistance through which various cultural subjects are created and re-create themselves.

Statistical information is often used for the basis of resource allocation in social policy. This paper discusses the historical and present day categorisation of women's work as it applies to the census and death registration. From a feminist/policy perspective, I will explore the relationship between 'official' representation and its power for the construction of particular social/political/economic identities. I will argue that the historical legacy of categorisation and construction of identity which persists in 'official' data collections continues to shape and influence policy parameters and decisions about the 'worth' of women's work, particularly unpaid work. Within the context of the current political and economic climate, the implications of continuing to inadequately represent the unpaid contributions of women will also be examined.

This study intended to define the concept of a feminine fantastic as a narrative mode in contemporary short fiction by women writers from Argentina and Uruguay. As a point of departure, the study examined the narrative techniques and conventions of the fantastic and their strategic use for the expression of feminine concerns. The concept of the feminine was used in the sense of referring to an interpretation of femininity as a construct of language rather than an essentially feminine narrative mode based on a biological gender division. An overview of fantastic short stories by women writers from Argentina and Uruguay examined the use of a gender-coded discourse and its subversion as the controlling strategy of the feminine fantastic. The study proposed that the feminine fantastic, because of its foregrounding of the inherent power relations of discourse and language, may also become a political practice for women writers. It was found that the subversion of reality in this narrative mode is often linked to the deconstruction of the binary oppositions underlying gender identity and difference, and that the strategic use of the fantastic may serve the deconstruction of cultural concepts that traditionally engender hierarchical and oppressive meanings in patriarchal discourse.

This article analyses sexual and gender metaphors used in the political rhetoric aboutIreland produced by both British colonialism and Irish nationalism. Departing from BenedictAnderson's formulation of the nation as imagined community, the author examines theshifting of gender categories used in defining Irish identity. The author argues that the linkof gender and national identity coupled with the violent events surrounding the partition ofIreland had important effects on the lives of Irish women best seen in the policies implementedon matters of sexuality and family law that followed the declaration of independence. ; Este articulo analiza las metáforas sexuales y de género utilizadas en la retórica políticasobre Irlanda, producida por el colonialismo británico y el nacionalismo irlandés. Partiendode la concepción teórica de nación como comunidad imaginada, propugnada por BenedictAnderson, la autora examina los cambios de género que han moldeado la definición de laidentidad irlandesa. La autora sostiene que la conexión entre género e identidad nacional,unida a los violentos sucesos que acompañaron la partición de Irlanda, ha tenido consecuenciasimportantes para las mujeres irlandesas, que pueden identificarse en la legislación sobrematerias de sexualidad y derecho familiar que se implementó tras la consecución de laindependencia.

Anhand der Biographie eines Jugendlichen mit rechtsextremistischen Einstellungen wird der Mangel an männlichen Identifikationsmöglichkeiten sowie eine ungelöste dyadische Bindung an die Mutter verdeutlicht. Die rechtsextremistische Orientierung ist hier als ein Abgrenzungsversuch bei einem unbewältigten phallisch narzißtischen Konflikt anzusehen, um sich aus der dyadischen Bindung an die Mutter zu lösen.

In significant ways, legal texts produce a narrative of national identity. They weave stories about who we are, what we are committed to, and what we expect of one another, individually and collectively. The concept of justiciability can be understood as a set of rules determining what stories courts are allowed to tell about who we are and who we can be. In this sense, Ronald Dworkin's account of judging as writing ongoing chapters in a chain novel provides a compelling conception of law as both describing where we have been and directing where we are going. If the salience of national identity is derived, in significant part, from our membership in an imagined community, then the production of a national symbolic through legal storytelling is an appropriate and legitimate role for courts – particularly in a nation as large as ours. In this process, certain foundational fictions, like "We the People," provide the glue that over time binds a people to its past and to one another as a nation. But should law play the same role with respect to other aspects of human identity? I think not. Current debates surrounding affirmative action, congressional redistricting, the Million Man March, and the appointment of Clarence Thomas to the Supreme Court all represent cultural flashpoints in an ongoing national discussion about two fundamental questions: what does it mean to have a race or be a member of a particular race, and who has the authority to decide? In the service of enslaving, segregating, and subordinating African Americans, law has claimed for itself the authoritative license to tell the story of racial meaning in this country – whether by declaring a certain race of people the status of property, by defining as negro any person who has one drop of negro blood, or by determining that race is a factor that may not be taken into account in the distribution of social goods or political rights because our Constitution is color-blind. Therefore, I have selected Sunseri v. Cassagne as my favorite judicial opinion. It represents an absolutely fascinating judicial confrontation with the problems of proof that arise when racial identity is litigated in a manner similar to that of, say, quieting title. In Sunseri the Louisiana Supreme Court considered an appeal from a trial court order granting the request of Cyril Sunseri, a white man, that his marriage be annulled because, he maintained, his wife was legally negro. Verna Cassagne, the woman Sunseri married and who all agreed was phenotypically white, sought a divorce and alimony because, she insisted, she was white. In 1935, when the couple was married, the state of Louisiana prohibited and rendered void the marriage of any white person to any person having a trace of negro blood. The court was thus faced with adjudicating Vema Cassagne's racial identity. It was presented with this problem only because it took it as given that looking like and identifying as a white person did not mean that one was a white person. Several interesting consequences flow from this conception of racial identity: if a person could look white, but not be white, then what does it mean to be white? Could one be white but not look white? Perhaps looking white is a necessary yet not sufficient condition of being white. What does a white woman look like anyway? If phenotype is not what racial identity means, then is how you look a representation of racial identity? If so, a representation of what? Finally, who should decide the answers to any of these questions?

"Where are the organized women workers?" Alice Kessler-Harris asked in 1975.1 Her question unleashed an unabating torrent of provocative studies of proletarian women in a number of countries, particularly in the United States and Europe.2 This deluge of solid research notwithstanding, activist women, to paraphrase Anne Firor Scott, continue to be seen and not seen.3 Pre-World War II Japanese women textile workers suffer the. same,.if not indeed a more pervasive, invisibility. When they are not generally overlooked, they are pitied as passive victims incapable of acting on their own initiative. When instances of activism are so obvious they cannot be ignored (as when silk reelers carried out a major strike in 1885), they are dismissed as unique, aberrant events. Women's failure to become the backbone of an enduring union movement confirms the conventional view of them as passive. Their gender, it is argued-or, as one scholar suggests, their youth4-made them hard to organize. Further research on women's collective action should modify this assertion. Even if the focus on collective action is limited to institutionalized, organized activism (that is, unions), we must ask whether structural factors like the organization of the factory itself or attitudinal factors like the hostility of male unionists, and not women's "nature" or "culture," explain the lower rate of female participation. Louise Tilly argues persuasively that proletarian women's lower rate of participation in collective action in nineteenth-century France needs "no special psychological or gender-attribute explanation": that is, a similar set of conditions may be used to predict men's and women's propensity to activism. 5 Societal constraints, restrictions by management on the economic independence of female workers, and, in certain circumstances, the workers' own views of what was appropriate behavior for women may have slowed female labor organization in Japan; yet when conditions for activism existed women workers responded. The question of activism, however, should not be limited to formal political or union actions. This chapter attempts to expand the definition of the term "activism" to connote the opposite of passivity. Thus, activism manifested itself as much in the decisions of rural Japanese women and girls to enter employment in the cotton textile industry as in their collective actions as workers. To understand why farm women would be motivated to enter the mills, one must examine general attitudes regarding appropriate behavior for women in the 1920s. To be sure, what women saw as suitable for themselves as women was itself in a state of evolution. As Teresa de Lauretis notes, "Self and identity . are always grasped and understood within particular discursive configurations. Consciousness is never fixed, never attained once and for all because discursive boundaries change with historical conditions."6 The converse is equally true: women's contributions to the definition of gender helped produce shifts in their historical context.

Community News; Uppers/Downers; 1994 Predictions; Think About It; FDA Targets Food Supplements; Bioregionalist Perspectives: A Quest for Human Identity and Survival; Anarchy, Revolution, and Christ; Anarchy, Revolution, and Crestwicke; Ms. Hippie; Notes from a Local "Lefty" and Small Business Owner; Rittenhouse Letters: Responsibility and the Rape Culture; Attention Meat-Eaters; Diet Styles of the Rich and Fatuous; Famous Larger-Than-Life Crossword Puzzle; Voice for Choice; Homebirth: Fighting for Another Reproductive Right; Pregnancy, Childbirth, and Public Aid; Gay/Lesbian/Bisexual Issues ; https://thekeep.eiu.edu/post_amerikan/1196/thumbnail.jpg

Letters; Raffle Winners; Classy Frieds; Blue Moon Coffeehouse Schedule; Community News; Ms. Hippie; Winter Wren's Star Guide; Animal Magnetism: Premarin; Milk--It Does a Body Bad; 101 Reasons to Be a Veggie, Finale; Notes from the Land of Anti-Fat; Episiotomy--Genital Mutilation Amerikan Style; A Matter of Identity; News from Voice for Choice; Generation X: Marketing, Stats, Reflections; Take 2 Tablets; Modernization Revisited--The Zapatista Rebellion; Dave a Life, Save the World; News from NGLTF: Bisexual, Gay, and Lesbian Issues; Condom Facts; Ollie's Fun Page; Love Post Amerikan Style ; https://thekeep.eiu.edu/post_amerikan/1197/thumbnail.jpg

Taking two highly successful Austrian television programmes - the soap-opera Familie Leitner and the game-show Wünsch dir was - as case-studies, this article describes major shifts in Austrian culture in the 1960s and 1970s, which found their expression in changes in the television system. The discontinuation of the soap-opera on the one hand and the enormous success of the game-show on the other point to the existence of a slowly consolidating middle-class in Austria, for whom the idea of private consumption was closely linked to their sense of national identity in a modern, industrial welfare state. The basis for this identity was embodied in representations of the "television family" in the 1950s and 1960s. This image then took on a new, gender politically encoded quality at the start of the self-consciously "modern" 1970s in the form of the "game-show couple". ; Taking two highly successful Austrian television programmes - the soap-opera Familie Leitner and the game-show Wünsch dir was - as case-studies, this article describes major shifts in Austrian culture in the 1960s and 1970s, which found their expression in changes in the television system. The discontinuation of the soap-opera on the one hand and the enormous success of the game-show on the other point to the existence of a slowly consolidating middle-class in Austria, for whom the idea of private consumption was closely linked to their sense of national identity in a modern, industrial welfare state. The basis for this identity was embodied in representations of the "television family" in the 1950s and 1960s. This image then took on a new, gender politically encoded quality at the start of the self-consciously "modern" 1970s in the form of the "game-show couple".