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Abstract: On May 9th, 2012, the Argentinean Senate converted into law the long collective process, driven by trans* activism, towards the legal recognition of gender identity. The Gender Identity Act (GIA) meant a large contribution to the field of civil and sexual rights interationally, especially in the matter of trans* policy. Nevertheless, what was at stake in the approval of the GIA was not just a step forward in legal terms and at a personal level for trans* people, but a whole set of representations, desires and social stakes on trans* lives and population. Thus, as regards to the scope and achievements of the GIA and its social and parliamentary debates, we can assert that in that realm a specific trans* life does not qualify as a living life. This article addresses the specific ways of presentation and apprehension of trans* lives in parliamentary debates about the GIA, and in social disputes within trans* activism. A biopolitical analysis of gender identity leads us to rethink the social conditions that sustain life and, by the same token, the interpretative frameworks of death.Keywords: Gender Identity; Law; Trans*; Biopolitics; NecropoliticsNecropolíticas trans*: Ley de identidad de género en ArgentinaResumen: El 9 de Mayo de 2012, el Senado Argentino convirtió en ley lo que fuera un largo proceso colectivo impulsado por el activismo trans*, la llamada Ley de Reconocimiento a la Identidad de Género. La Ley de Identidad de Género (LIDG) significó un gran aporte de escala internacional en materia de derechos sexuales y civiles, y en particular, en materia de política trans*. No obstante, lo que estaba en juego en la aprobación de la LIDG significaba no sólo un avance de carácter personal y global en términos jurídicos, sino también un conjunto de representaciones, deseos y apuestas sociales sobre la población y la vida trans*. A tenor de los alcances y logros de la LIDG y sus respectivos debates, tanto sociales como parlamentarios, puede sostenerse que en ellos una vida concreta, una vida trans*, no califica como vida viva. El artículo propone una reflexión crítica sobre los modos específicos de presentación y aprehensión de una vida trans*, sea en los distintos debates parlamentarios en torno a la LIDG, sea en las disputas sociales del activismo trans*. Desde un análisis biopolítico sobre la identidad de género, el texto busca repensar las condiciones sociales que sostienen la vida y, por lo mismo, aquellos marcos interpretativos de la muerte.Palabras clave: Identidad de Género; Ley; Trans*; Biopolítica; NecropolíticaNecropolíticas trans*: Lei de Identidade de Gênero na ArgentinaResumo: Em 9 de maio de 2012, o Senado argentino converteu em lei o que fora um longo processo coletivo impulsionado pelo ativismo trans*, a chamada Lei de Reconhecimento da Identidade de Gênero. A Lei de Identidade de Gênero (LIDG) significou uma grande contribuição de escala internacional em matéria de direitos sexuais e civis e, em particular, em matéria de política trans*. No entanto, o que estava em jogo na aprovação da LIDG significava não só um avanço de caráter pessoal e global em termos jurídicos, mas além disso um conjunto de representações, desejos e apostas sociais sobre a população e a vida trans*. Nesse sentido, se nos ativermos aos alcances e êxitos da LIDG e aos seus respectivos debates tão sociais como parlamentares, poderemos sustentar que neles uma vida concreta, uma vida trans*, não se qualifica como vida viva. O presente artigo se propõe a uma reflexão crítica sobre os modos específicos de apresentação e de apreensão de uma vida trans*, seja nos distintos debates parlamentares em torno da LIDG, seja nas disputas sociais do ativismo trans*. A partir de uma análise biopolítica sobre a identidade de gênero, vamos repensar as condições sociais que sustentam a vida e, pela mesma razão, aqueles marcos interpretativos da morte.Palavras-chave: identidade de gênero; Lei; trans*; biopolítica; necropolítica ; Last May 9, 2012, the Argentinian Senate turned into a law what was a long colective process driven by trans activism, the so called Gender Identity Acknowledgemente Law. The Gender Identity Law, meant a large step forward at an international level in the sexual and civil rights field, and specifically in the Trans politics subject. Nontheless, what was concerned in the approval of the GIL implied not only an advance at a personal and global level in legal terms, but also a set of representations, desires and social pledges over Trans population and life. Theoretically, if we adjust to the scope of the GIL'S achievements, we can state that a concrete life, a Trans life, does not qualify as a living life. The following lines are centered in a critical consideration over the specific ways of presenting and understanding a Trans life, both in the variety of parliamentary debates regarding the GIL as in the social disputes withing Trans activism itself. From a biopolitical approach over gender identity, we plan to rethink the social conditions that sustain life, and consecuently, the interpretative frames of death.

Great authors have a reputation for being reluctant political allies. They adamantly insist on focusing on aspects of life that no ideologist ever bothers to address. Life never exactly conforms to doctrine, and their art appears to defy ideology completely or subversively in order to find methods to break free from its shackles. Woolf's attitude toward feminism provides readers with an essential example of this resistance. Though Virginia Woolf was extremely concerned about the difficulties of women, particularly literary women, she often disliked being associated with feminists. Instead, she pushes for the transcendence of sexual roles, urging readers to go beyond gender to gain a better knowledge of human existence. Woolf's thesis is echoed by Judith Butler's concept of 'Gender Performativity.

The introduction of the Gender Recognition Act 2015 (the "2015 Act") represented a seismic shift in the Irish legal landscape as regards the legal recognition of people whose preferred gender does not correspond with the sex noted upon the register of births. The Act is notable as it represents a loosening of the rigid division between the male and female gender. In essence, it maintains the need for a binary categorisation by gender of people but the boundary has become permeable and movement between the gender categories is now permissible. Questions of identity go to the core of a person's dignity and thus are central to the inalienable rights we all enjoy a human beings. This chapter will consider the circumstances leading to the introduction of the 2015 Act. It will examine how the legislative scheme evolved during its passage through the Oireachtas and analyse both the enacted legislation and the manner in which it is operationalised. Thus it will consider whether the manner in which the right to recognition was realised in the 2015 Act fully respects the rights and dignity of those who may wish to avail of its provisions.

It is a fact that transgender people experience severe discrimination in various forms not only in their everyday lives but also in their working lives, especially when transitioning. It seems that Europe is slowly changing over the years as there are constant calls to tackle this complex issue by considering the inclusion of a third gender option, the abolition of any abusive practices, recommendations for legal redress in cases of violation, and a more transparent and self-determined legal recognition procedure. There are national laws which offer protection on the basis of gender identity at national and international levels. Nevertheless, there is still a lack of uniformity due to a number of unresolved matters such as uncertainty about who is covered, whether gender identity should be covered as a protected ground, what is required to gain a legal change of name and gender marker in official documents, who is responsible for authorisation and uncertainty over the stages, nature and duration of the actual procedure. Fewer distressed transgender employees and transphobic incidents are observed when there is greater social acceptability, organisational effort and national intervention. Research and collective actions by movements, political leaders, academics, medical experts and non-governmental organisations are further required to minimise societal and employment exclusions of transgender people.

The medical "transition" of children with "gender dysphoria" is increasingly normalized in North America, Western Europe, Australia, New Zealand, and the United Kingdom. Although each country has specific national gender identity development services, the rationale for prescribing hormone treatment is broadly similar. A minority rights paradigm underpinned by postmodern theory has gained traction in the past 10 years and has been successful in influencing public policy, the education of pediatricians, endocrinologists, and mental health professionals. In this view, any response other than an affirmation of the child's claim to be the opposite sex or "born in the wrong body" is understood as a denial of their human rights to have their "outer" body match their authentic "inner" self. The postmodern paradigm has brought about a concomitant shift in the classification of the patient from a child who suffers "gender dysphoria" to a child who is "transgender". Yet the practice of putting children on a medical pathway brings severe, life-long consequences including bone/skeletal impairment, cardiovascular and surgical complications, reduced sexual functioning, and infertility. Examination of postmodern "transgender" health care reveals it is rarely expert, evidenced-based or objective but on the contrary, is highly politicized and controversial. Although the High Court in the United Kingdom has ruled those children 16 years and under cannot consent to hormone treatment, several lobby groups, as well as the NHS Tavistock and Portman Hospital Trust Gender Identity Development Service (GIDS), have been granted legal permission to challenge the ruling. With the example of the United Kingdom, I demonstrate that if the appeal is successful, children's rights to protection from bodily and psychological harm will continue to be abused by the postmodern social justice paradigm which, in the very name of upholding children's rights, violates them.

It is a fact that transgender people experience severe discrimination in various forms not only in their everyday lives but also in their working lives, especially when transitioning. It seems that Europe is slowly changing over the years as there are constant calls to tackle this complex issue by considering the inclusion of a third gender option, the abolition of any abusive practices, recommendations for legal redress in cases of violation, and a more transparent and self-determined legal recognition procedure. There are national laws which offer protection on the basis of gender identity at national and international levels. Nevertheless, there is still a lack of uniformity due to a number of unresolved matters such as uncertainty about who is covered, whether gender identity should be covered as a protected ground, what is required to gain a legal change of name and gender marker in official documents, who is responsible for authorisation and uncertainty over the stages, nature and duration of the actual procedure. Fewer distressed transgender employees and transphobic incidents are observed when there is greater social acceptability, organisational effort and national intervention. Research and collective actions by movements, political leaders, academics, medical experts and non-governmental organisations are further required to minimise societal and employment exclusions of transgender people.

In this paper I examine the role of authenticity within contemporary debates about gender identity with an eye to exploring the structure of sex and gender-based oppressions - with particular consideration with the marginalisation of trans subjects. I begin with a return to Butler's Gender Trouble to critically examine her ontology of gender and the suggestion that gender cannot be a matter of authenticity. Though this disagrees with the common schematic of trans identity mobilised within contemporary identity politics, this paper seeks to use this critique to provide a deeper explanation of trans oppression within the context of Butler's heterosexual matrix. The aim of this move is to situate trans struggles as central within philosophical feminist theory - whilst breaking from several of the shortcomings of contemporary identity ontology. These considerations will then be explored alongside Butler's work in Precarious Life, wherein the oppression of trans people will be explored in how these subjects bear a greater burden of authenticity - wherein trans genders are automatically regarded as authentic whereas cis genders remain unquestioned. This contextualises the rhetorical and ontological move adopted by many trans activists whereby they present gender as a matter of absolute and inviolable fact - which is incompatible with Butler's ontology of gender. Using bother of Butler's texts, we can regard this move as the pursuit of an impossible security, a move that serves to obscure the inauthenticity of gender overall. Instead, we are encouraged to embrace in inauthenticity of gender and to refuse to allow ourselves to sink into an economy of authenticity that marginalises trans subjects.

Presented at The Annual Canadian Sociological Association (CSA) Conference , June 04, 2021, Virtual; in the session Gender and Development: Contextualizing Theory on the Ground.

Gender identity is defined as social and cultural conception of an individual as a male or a female. This concept is associated with certain gender roles and behaviour in patriarchal societies that want to develop power hierarchy between men and women. Doris Lessing's The Golden Notebook came into existence as a feminist fiction that bewildered common readers' mind with its description about free women who were trapped in gender identity like other traditional women of Britain but slowly they resisted their femininity by acquiring social, political and economic equality with men and enjoying divorce and sexual liberty.

The subject of this research is human rights related to Sexual orientation and gender identity in the Universal Periodic Review (UPR) of the United Nations. The UPR is a unique peer review mechanism which reviews all UN member states in a universal manner, but also a source of politicisation along regional lines. This politicisation has a detrimental effect on the universality of the process, especially in relation to controversial issues, such as human rights challenging of traditional perceptions about gender. The aim of this dissertation is to quantify and understand how states of different regional belonging accommodate for recommendations related to Sexual Orientation and Gender Identity. This is realised through a quantitative study including logistic regression and a simple multilevel analysis. The findings are explored within the theoretical framework of the debate between universalism and relativism linked with a feminist perspective on cultural relativism in order to illuminate specific characteristics of human rights related to gender norms. The study reveals that tendencies toward politicisation along regional lines are fortified in relation to the issue of Sexual Orientation and Gender Identity, challenging the universality of human rights. Furthermore, the level of economic and social development in the State under Review and the phrasing of the recommendations also influence states' actions on these rights in the UPR.

Gender inequality is still an important and frequently discussed problem both in everyday life and science. Its source and genesis were clearly identified by different variation of feminist theory, but the solution, which was able to change all sides of gender relation, wasn't find. The classical feminism was involved into making decisions with regard to political, legal and economic problems of the females, but could not change `man's mind'. Postmodern feminists as a phenomenon do not exist for mass consciousness and doesn't influences everyday life of modern Russian society.

In 1982 Wisconsin became the first state to pass a comprehensive statute prohibiting sexual orientation discrimination; and its cities, Madison and Milwaukee, recently expanded their local ordinances to prohibit employment and housing discrimination based on gender identity. On the other hand, Wisconsin singled out gays and lesbians from other protected groups when it denied affirmative action programs to remedy sexual orientation discrimination in its landmark 1982 legislation; Milwaukee's Equal Rights Commission, charged with receiving and reviewing complaints of private employer discrimination, has not operated for five years; and Wisconsin's statewide employment discrimination statute excludes gender identity protection and does not provide for a private right of action.

Chinese feminism has undergone a complex and intriguing development. Chinese women were first acculturated with Marxist women's liberation ideology during the Mao era, and during the 1995 United Nations Fourth Conference on Women in Beijing, Chinese female activists were open to new possibilities of gender consciousness. The shift in Chinese gender ideologies denotes a change in the emphasis on gender sameness to difference. Given this background, this paper examines the gender consciousness adopted by the Chinese female activists in Beijing and argues that "gender"(xinbei) is still a floating concept in China. The cultural frame of gender consciousness adopted by the female activists depends on their social and cultural location, and the activists personal repertoires of gender consciousness serve as a tool kit to draw from during times of organizing. The patchworks of gender consciousness allow activists to maneuver with the authoritarian government and also work with international funding agencies. The paper first explores the different usages adopted by female activists to convey the idea of "gender" and is analyzed according to activists' social and cultural upbringings. "Gender" is an umbrella concept in China, which is sometimes equated with "women/female," sometimes alluding to socialist ideals of female emancipation, or connoting the social construction aspect of "gender" in a Western context. The paper then discusses the prevailing gender repertoires that existed in China and how the concept of "gender"(xinbei) and "social gender"(shehui xinbei) is conceptualized and allowed spaces for practical action.

This study is an attempt to examine the role of performativity in forming and determining gender identity in a society. This study included articles and books that were written about language, gender, identity of a gender and also politics of performativity. These studies were analyzed qualitatively and quantitatively. The result of these analyzing shows gender identity is not natural or innate. Rather it takes its meaning from the inside of a person. This formation is influenced by the thoughts and ideas of society about gender and identity. It is clear gender and also gender identity constructed by language, then language goes into behavior, it, finally, begins to shape peoples identities. It means that gender and identity of gender are formed and determined by language and behavior; peoples acts.

Pennsylvania's 174,000 LGBT workers are vulnerable to employment discrimination absent state or federal legal protections. While 33 Pennsylvania localities provide some protections, 69 percent of the state's workforce could suffer discrimination without recourse based on their actual or perceived sexual orientation or gender identity. Pennsylvania teachers, factory workers and law enforcement officers have all faced workplace discrimination based on their sexual orientation or gender identity. Uniform legal protections could provide more consistent and stronger recourse for the state's workers at minimal administrative cost to the government. Many Pennsylvania employers have already decided that inclusive LGBT workplace policies are good for business. At least 139 companies headquartered in Pennsylvania prohibit discrimination based on sexual orientation, including 37 Fortune 1000 companies, and at least 40 companies prohibit discrimination based on gender identity.