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Any legislation which intends to implement the values enshrined in the European Convention on Human Rights, the European Charter of Fundamental Rights and the Constitution of Malta is to be welcomed. The values which inspire and shape Europe, such as respect for human dignity, freedom, tolerance and equality, proportionality, human rights and democracy, justice and solidarity, and the rule of law, are to be interpreted not as a catalogue of entitlements but as a necessary precondition of a 'culture of dignity' in which every citizen, irrespective of nationality, status, sexual orientation, gender, age or achievement, lives in an inclusive culture of recognition between human beings. All persons and minority groups are to be recognized as belonging to the same moral and civic community as the majority. The legislation, which is being proposed on gender identity, gender expression and sex characteristics, is seeking to address the needs of a category of people who very often find it socially hard and painful in trying to deal with a fundamental dimension of their own self-identity. It is certainly a step in the right direction for society to take the necessary measures, including appropropriate legislation, to create those conditions that enable everyone, above all those whose vulnerability exposes them to multiple disadvantages, to live with dignity and to exercise their lawful rights. While there is no clear-cut answer as to the required kind of legislation on the matter, it is important to recognize the complexity of the problem and be guided by a set of ethical principles which can help one to find the right kind of balance between the rights of the individual and the legitimate interests of others and the community as a whole. [Excerpt] ; non peer-reviewed

Canada's Feminist International Assistance Policy (FIAP), launched in June 2017, marks the first time that sexual orientation and gender identity (SOGI) have been mentioned in an overarching Canadian aid policy. The inclusion of SOGI in the policy document sent an important signal to domestic and international development partners on the need to consider these sources of discrimination and marginalization. This article asks two basic research questions. First, what is the place of SOGI in Canada's "feminist" international assistance? Second, what additional steps does Canada's development program need to take to protect the rights of lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, and intersex (LGBTI) people in the Global South? Based on an analysis of official documents and secondary sources, we argue that FIAP itself sends only a weak signal about the importance of SOGI-related concerns, but Canadian foreign aid has expanded its understanding of LGBTI issues and has begun to commit dedicated resources to addressing them. Nonetheless, the initial programming (2017–2019) was channelled in an ad hoc manner and through one, major stand-alone commitment, rather than through a broader framework that would guide SOGI's integration into Canadian programs over the long term. If serious about addressing LGBTI rights more systematically, the Canadian government needs to expand its definition of what SOGI entails and move beyond niche programming to recognize the cross-cutting dimension of LGBTI rights in foreign aid, especially in the area of sexual and reproductive health and rights.

Lesson plan for use with the document Gender-Inclusive Library Workgroup Report. Designed to promote high school level discussion around gender-neutral spaces and policies. Aligns with VA SOL GOVT.1. Includes opening activity for students, articles for discussion, and project outline.

The article states that the problem of gender identity is considered indirectly in domestic science. Not in one scientific work we have found a system of principles of legal regulation of gender identity of modern society, but the political and legal orientation of modern states is the priority of the paradigm of equality in all social relations. The basic principles of legal policy in the field of gender identity are highlighted: the principle of gender equality; recognition of the difference between sex and gender; individual choice of gender identity based on the values of human dignity and human autonomy; the principle of balanced gender socialization (by adopting at the state level a set of pedagogical, medical, legal, social and cultural measures that would promote "education" in the younger generation of respect for the choice of gender, polygender society, tolerance of the opposite sex, gender equality, etc.); the existence of a legal mechanism for exercising the right to gender identity. It is proved that the state power, which positions itself as democratic, cannot ignore the social processes that take place. Changing the ideology of public relations requires updating approaches to legal policy. Declaring the principle of gender equality has already become one of the fundamental stages in the development of civilized nations. At the same time, it is important not only the external legal regulation at the constitutional or legislative level, but also to provide a mechanism to guarantee this principle in law enforcement practice. Therefore, it is important not to limit this by the adoption of a special act, but to create an effective mechanism that would implement the rules and regulations specified in it. And this is much more difficult to do, because you need an effective set of law realization, law enforcement and law ensuring factors. It is stated that modern Ukrainian society has an underdeveloped gender ideology, works are still divided into "purely male" and "purely female", there is a ...

Approximately 80,000 LGBT workers in Kentucky are not explicitly protected from discrimination under state or federal laws. Seven localities in Kentucky prohibit discrimination based on sexual orientation and gender identity in private and public sector employment, and state government employees are protected. If sexual orientation and gender identity were added to existing statewide non-discrimination laws, 38 more complaints would be filed in Kentucky each year. The cost of enforcing those complaints would be negligible, and would not require additional court or administrative staff.

Approximately 7,500 LGBT workers in Georgia are vulnerable to employment discrimination due to a lack of state legal protections. At least 35 localities and many private corporations based in Georgia have personnel policies that prohibit employment discrimination based on sexual orientation and gender identity. While Georgia law protects state workers from discrimination based on personal characteristics including race, religion, national origin, sex, disability, and age, it does not include sexual orientation or gender identity. In response to a 2013 survey, 79% of voters surveyed in Georgia said that it should be, or probably should be, illegal for government employers in the state to discriminate against their employees based on sexual orientation or gender identity. Findings from the Georgia report are consistent with national data. A 2013 Pew Research Center survey found that 21 percent of LGBT respondents had been treated unfairly by an employer in hiring, pay, or promotions. In 2010, 78 percent of respondents to the largest survey of transgender people reported having experienced harassment or mistreatment at work.

Over the last three decades, an increasing number of Anglophone courts have recognised asylum claims on the basis of sexual orientation and gender identity. Such jurisprudence has been heralded for "progressing" LGBTI rights. Yet, the progressive promise of these "pro-LGBTI" decisions leaves much more to be desired. Often formulated under the rubric of a "particular social group," the extent to which queer refugees have been granted protection has been contingent on whether they subscribe to normative ideas of intimacy, identity, and injury. Specifically, queer refugees must demonstrate they have a "well-founded fear of persecution" by subscribing to ethnocentric assumptions about sexual citizenship, gender expression, erotic relationships, and state violence. While the concept of fear has been central to the grant of asylum under international law, it has also been mobilised in legal, political, and academic responses to the adjudication of such claims. Specifically, the fear about having a refugee jurisprudence that is too queer has led to states attempting to curb opening the proverbial "floodgates." This anxious attempt at control has been painfully fleshed out in the way courts navigate the nexus between "authenticating" immutable sexual or gender identities and "counting" what amounts to sustained state persecution. Drawing on appellate case law from Australia, UK, US, and the EU, this paper disturbs how fear stifles the recognition of queer identity, intimacy, and injury. By disrupting judicial gestures, it considers how "asylum anxieties" continue to undermine queer claims for protection.

The writings of Dakota author Zitkala-Ša include her memoirs from her elementary education in a white boarding school, as well as some original Native American stories. While there has been much modern scholarship on how Native American women have reconciled their racial and gender identities, I will be examining the link between Native American feminism and assimilation in the boarding school system, exploring the specific aspects of Native femininity that Zitkala-Ša highlights in "A Warrior's Daughter." This short story outlines a young Dakota woman's effort to rescue her lover from the hands of an enemy tribe. Through the main character, Tusee, Zitkala-Ša calls for Native women to accept their important tribal responsibilities, including motherhood, and embrace their ethnic identities. Tusee's characterization is also used to denounce the oppressive rules of white femininity imbued in Native American girls by the assimilative education system used in the Western boarding schools of the time. Likewise, I will also investigate Zitkala-Ša's political work and advocacy for Native American women, examining how her own efforts to halt assimilation and fight for social equality are mirrored in her works of fiction, specifically in "A Warrior's Daughter." By analyzing her arguments in the short story as well as her political activism, I uncover Zitkala-Ša's efforts to protect important gender roles that are central to the propagation and preservation of Native American customs and traditions, thus allowing future generations to maintain their tribal ways of life.

Approximately 66,000 LGBT workers in South Carolina are vulnerable to employment discrimination absent state legal protections. Four localities in South Carolina prohibit public sector employment discrimination against LGBT people. Only 18% of the state's labor force works in those localities, and only a small proportion of those workers are employed by their local governments. Currently none of South Carolina's LGBT-inclusive local ordinances prohibit discrimination in private employment. Findings from the South Carolina report are consistent with national data. A 2013 Pew Research Center survey found that 21 percent of LGBT respondents had been treated unfairly by an employer in hiring, pay, or promotions. In 2010, 78 percent of respondents to the largest national survey of transgender people to date reported having experienced harassment or mistreatment at work, and 47 percent reported having been discriminated against in hiring, promotion, or job retention because of their gender identity.

Missouri has no state statute prohibiting public employment discrimination based on sexual orientation or gender identity. Since 1998, legislators in the Missouri General Assembly have introduced bills that would prohibit discrimination based on sexual orientation and gender identity, specifically in the areas of employment, public accommodations, and housing; none of the attempts have been successful.

Wyoming, the least populous state in the United States, currently has no laws that prohibit employment discrimination based on sexual orientation or gender identity. Legislation was introduced in 2009 that would add sexual orientation to the list of enumerated classes that are currently protected against employment discrimination, but the bill would not extend such protections to gender identity.

There are no state laws in Texas that prohibit employment discrimination based on sexual orientation or gender identity, although five of Texas's six largest cities have local ordinances partially banning such discrimination in specific contexts.1 State legislators have repeatedly introduced bills at the state level to add sexual orientation and/or gender identity as protected classes in various contexts, although none of these bills has left the committee stage.

Currently, Michigan has not enacted any statewide legislation prohibiting employment discrimination on the basis of sexual orientation and gender identity. The Michigan Civil Rights Act (hereinafter referred to as the "Elliott-Larsen Civil Rights Act"), which prohibits employment discrimination based on various categories, including religion, race, and sex, does not prohibit discrimination based upon sexual orientation or gender identity. Indeed, in Barbour v. Department of Social Services, the Michigan Court of Appeals held that harassment and discrimination based upon a person's sexual orientation is not an activity proscribed by the Elliott-Larsen Civil Rights Act. The Barbour court, however, did hold that a gender discrimination claim brought pursuant to the Elliott-Larsen Civil Rights Act may be based on incidents of homosexual advances that directly relate to the employee's gender. More recently, a bill was introduced in January 2007 to include "sexual orientation and gender identity or expression," but that bill did not go beyond the Judiciary Committee.

There is no state law in Alabama prohibiting any form of employment discrimination. Rather, Alabama defers to federal law for providing its citizens with protections against discrimination based upon age, race, religion, sex, national origin, and disabilities. Only a few unsuccessful attempts have been made to enact legislation to prohibit sexual orientation discrimination, and none to prohibit discrimination on the basis of gender identity or expression. Neither the state nor any locality in Alabama prohibits sexual orientation or gender identity discrimination.

Tennessee"s anti-discrimination law, known as the Tennessee Human Rights Act, does not explicitly address either sexual orientation or gender identity discrimination. Further, the state does not provide protection to state or private employees against discrimination based on sexual orientation or gender identity. In addition, no executive orders, local laws or state government personnel policies exist that prohibit job discrimination on either basis. The formal state employee grievance policy addresses discrimination, but does not include these characteristics.