Suchergebnisse

Nicht nur genderpolitisch unumwunden rückwärtsgewandte, sondern auch vermeintlich liberale Beiträge missverstehen Butler. Dazu zwei aktuelle Beispiele: die mediale Repräsentation der Transsexuellen Caitlyn Jenner und die der Eurovision Song Contest-Gewinnerin von 2014, Conchita Wurst. Im Fall von Jenner gerät über die Begeisterung für den erfolgreich vollzogenen Seitenwechsel der Machtanspruch von Gender selbst in den Hintergrund, sie wird zur Ikone einer neoliberalen Selbstoptimierung. Im Fall von Wurst wird die Event-Kultur von Eurovision insgesamt als «Gender-Fasching» wahrgenommen. Beide Beispiele illustrieren eine der gängigsten Fehllektüren Butlers: dass Gender frei wählbar wäre oder sogar so einfach zu haben sei wie ein Kostümwechsel. An diesem Punkt schlägt die mediale Berichterstattung über Gender um in ihre Diffamierung, denn die Fehllektüre eines als voluntaristisch missverstandenen Gender-Begriffs ruft ihren Widerspruch schon mit auf. ; Not only approaches that are openly reactionary but even presumably liberal ones misread Butler. Here are two current examples: the media representations of the transsexual Caitlyn Jenner and of Conchita Wurst, the Eurovision Song Contest winner of 2014. In the case of Jenner, the ways in which gender is coerced are overlooked in order to celebrate the successful switching of sides. Thus, Jenner becomes an icon of a neoliberal form of self-optimization. In the case of Wurst, Eurovision as such is perceived as a form of gender carnivalesque. Both examples illustrate one of the most common misreadings of Butler: That you can chose your gender freely, even as easily as putting on a costume. At this point the media coverage on gender issues flips into a form of defamation, since the misreading of the concept of gender as voluntaristic already provokes its objection.

This article seeks to reintroduce discussions on gender relations in politics back into scholarly and political debate. Many countries have adopted gender quotas, but it is unclear whether their implementation has meaningfully changed the prevalent inequalities governing gender relations in politics. This article considers whether the implementation of gender quotas could promote change, and assesses this change with reference to five criteria formerly used to assess the strategy of gender mainstreaming. These are a shift towards a more comprehensive concept of gender equality; the incorporation of a gender perspective intersected with other inequalities in mainstream politics; equal political representation; organizational changes in selection and recruitment mechanisms as well as the functioning of politics; and, finally, the displacement of hierarchies, and the empowerment of subjects. Reflection on and empirical illustrations of gender quotas with regard to these criteria reveal a mixed picture, demonstrating the need to reintroduce discussions about gender equality within politics back into gender quota debates. This discussion will not focus on the legitimacy of or need for gender quotas, but on how their implementation can contribute to the improvement of gender relations in politics beyond a quantitative sense. Approaching gender quotas through the use of criteria devised for assessing the gender mainstreaming strategy is helpful in exploring the potential of gender quotas in the transformation of gender relations.

Gender Equality between women and men remains elusive on many fronts and in 2019, Malta's score in the EU Equality Index was below the EU average. Progress has been noted in the area of paid work, but little headway has been made in the power domain, which is still heavily dominated by men. On the other hand, women still disproportionally carry the biggest care burdens, with related consequences on their career and their earnings. Gender mainstreaming is still in its very early stages and there is no evidence that Gender Auditing or Gender Budgeting has been implemented so far. In the last six years no ESIF funds were secured for genderequality-related projects. However, other funds were sourced through other EU calls. A gender mainstreaming strategy is due to be launched in 2020, although little details exist of how this will be implemented. Malta has much to gain if it makes better use of ESIF and other EU funds in order to secure the expertise and the resources to effectively implement Gender Mainstreaming and to carry out Gender audits and Gender Budgeting. NGOs should be more involved in these processes and could be better supported, in order to make use of EU funds to strengthen gender equality in Malta. ; This publication is supported by the European Union Rights, Equality and Citizenship Programme (2014-2020). ; N/A

The division of gender roles in the household and societal level gender (in)equality have been situated as one of the most powerful factors underlying fertility behaviour. Despite continued theoretical attention to this issue by demographers, empirical research integrating gender roles and equity in relation to fertility remains surprisingly sparse. This paper first provides a brief review of previous research that has examined gender roles and fertility followed by a comparison of six prominent gender equality indices: Gender-related Development Index (GDI), Gender Empowerment Measure (GEM), Gender Gap Index (GGI), Gender Equality Index (GEI), the European Union Gender Equality Index (EU-GEI) and the Social Institutions and Gender Index (SIGI). The paper then tests how five of these indices impact fertility intentions and behaviour using a series of multilevel (random-coefficient) logistic regression models, applying the European Social Survey (2004/5). The GDI, with its emphasis on human development, adjusted for gender, has the strongest and significant effect on fertility intentions. The EU-GEI, which focuses on the universal caregiver model, uncovers that more equity significantly lowers fertility intentions, but only for women. The remaining indicators show no significant impact. The paper concludes with a reflection and suggestions for future research.

International audience ; The protests which have been ongoing in North-African countries since February 2011 have contributed towards giving visibility to that component of society often neglected by the dominant male model: women. Female bodies occupied not only the front covers of important magazines (Libération, n.9253, 12th-13th February 2011; Los Angeles Times, Saturday 12th February), but also a traditional male space: the public space. This media visibility of women has given new food for thought on gender issues as well as on issues concerning dominating relationships that the ever reigning patriarchal system continues to perpetrate on a global level.Assuming that in most of these societies such relationships largely determine people's roles and lives, can one speak of a specificity in the Mediterranean setting? The predominant image of the Mediterranean world is that of a closed context, refractory to transformation, anchored in sexist traditions and still a long way from effective equality and access to politics and positions of power. Just such a stereotype, legitimized by Anglo-Saxon traditional studies and research on the Mediterranean city (c.f. Minca 2004) and still commonly predominant, has been put into question by the active role played by women in social movements which have lately taken place in the whole of the Mediterranean basin1. The pictures of women engaged in protest and demonstration have gone around the world. However, what do the women of the Arab awakening and the Spanish indignados women2 have in common? The presence of their bodies on town squares and streets. Virtual space has also held a starring role in the protests. The role of technology and the network in social and political change has been vastly covered both in scientific contexts (e.g. Paradiso 2003, 2006) and in popular contexts; particular reference can be made to the Green Wave in Iran (Mouillard 2009; Hare and Darani 2010). Furthermore, with the 2011 protests, attention has been focused specifically on the relation ...

International audience ; The protests which have been ongoing in North-African countries since February 2011 have contributed towards giving visibility to that component of society often neglected by the dominant male model: women. Female bodies occupied not only the front covers of important magazines (Libération, n.9253, 12th-13th February 2011; Los Angeles Times, Saturday 12th February), but also a traditional male space: the public space. This media visibility of women has given new food for thought on gender issues as well as on issues concerning dominating relationships that the ever reigning patriarchal system continues to perpetrate on a global level.Assuming that in most of these societies such relationships largely determine people's roles and lives, can one speak of a specificity in the Mediterranean setting? The predominant image of the Mediterranean world is that of a closed context, refractory to transformation, anchored in sexist traditions and still a long way from effective equality and access to politics and positions of power. Just such a stereotype, legitimized by Anglo-Saxon traditional studies and research on the Mediterranean city (c.f. Minca 2004) and still commonly predominant, has been put into question by the active role played by women in social movements which have lately taken place in the whole of the Mediterranean basin1. The pictures of women engaged in protest and demonstration have gone around the world. However, what do the women of the Arab awakening and the Spanish indignados women2 have in common? The presence of their bodies on town squares and streets. Virtual space has also held a starring role in the protests. The role of technology and the network in social and political change has been vastly covered both in scientific contexts (e.g. Paradiso 2003, 2006) and in popular contexts; particular reference can be made to the Green Wave in Iran (Mouillard 2009; Hare and Darani 2010). Furthermore, with the 2011 protests, attention has been focused specifically on the relation ...

The paper addresses the dilemmas, contradictions and paradoxes in the Danish approach to gender quotas and gender equality and discusses the intersections of citizenship, democracy and gender justice. Gender research understands gender quota as a means to achieve equal rights, gender equality and gender parity. Gender theory has conceptualized gender parity as one step towards achieving gender justice in all arenas of social, political and economic life. The Danish cases illustrate that context matters and question gender quota as a universal strategy to achieve gender equality. The empirical focus of the paper is placed on three arenas: 1) gender quota in political governance; 2) gender quota in parental leave policies; and 3) gender quota in economic governance. The paper is primarily concerned with analyses of Danish discourses and policies in relation to the three policy areas and only to a limited extent addresses the impact of these policies and their implications for lived practice. One issue concerns the paradox of the relatively high female representation in politics without the adoption of gender quotas. A second issue concerns the gap between gender equality policies. Denmark lacks behind the other Scandinavian countries' discourses and policies about gender quota but in practice the picture is much more complex. A third issue concerns the European perspective. In relation to women's labour market participation and gender parity in politics Denmark is ahead of other European countries but lacks behind in relation to equal representation on corporate boards.

In 1995, the Beijing Declaration and Platform for Action (hereafter referred to as the Platform for Action) promulgated during the United Nations Fourth World Conference on Women called for the use of gender mainstreaming as a strategy in policy formulations for pursuing the goals of gender equality. Feminist leaders of NGOs who joined the Taiwanese government in the mid-1990s were strategically positioned to contribute to policy formulations that would integrate gender-mainstreaming perspectives into policies and institutions in the Taiwanese government. Among the various approaches to gender-mainstreaming, taking positive actions to set pro-women policy agendas have been the predominant approach deployed by the Taiwanese government for promoting gender parity. However, the government's gender-mainstreaming strategies also include limited applications of the expert-technocratic approach to policy-making and the transversal approach for gauging public opinions through dialogues in citizens' forums to explore ways to meet the needs of women from diverse backgrounds. This article assesses the progress the Taiwanese government and civil society have made toward eliminating gender inequality as well as the specific areas that still need improvement before greater gender parity can be achieved.

Women in Tajikistan have borne the brunt of the impacts of the transition period. Women's workload has intensified because of the increasing need to contribute to the cash income of the family, to supplement family food needs with produce from a garden plot, to care for children and the sick while health and other social services have deteriorated, and all this with an unequal division of labor for household tasks between men and women. Even as income poverty rates start to fall, social indicators for women continue to deteriorate: e.g., more girls are failing to complete 9 years of education and health risks from poor nutrition and stress place pressure on maternal health. This country gender assessment (CGA) provides an overview of the gender dimensions of poverty and the factors that are contributing to differences in benefits from poverty reduction efforts in Tajikistan. In addition to supporting government efforts to promote gender equality and mainstream gender into national poverty reduction strategies, the CGA aims to ensure that Asian Development Bank (ADB) interventions respond to the conditions and priorities of women as well as men. It is also hoped that the report will be useful to the government, nongovernment organizations (NGOs), and individuals working in the field of gender and development.

Lately, the issues relating to gender equality are being hotly discussed. One the indicators of this is the legalization effort of RUU-KKG in the law of the State. This issue was raised because the Feminists see that there is an imbalance in rotes between women and men, as well as in the realm of social, political, economic, and households. This patriarchal culture engenders women to always be under-emphasized in their status and positions in these fields. Al-Qur'an itself equates to both in carrying out tasks in life. This paper will examine whether the issues in regards to gender equality in the Qur'an amounts to absolute equality or equality that not necessarily takes the same form.

As a strategy to promote gender equality, gender mainstreaming has received considerable attention worldwide. The language of gender mainstreaming has been quickly adopted (True and Mintrom 2001), which is why, in the beginning, many hopes were pinned on this strategy. Scholars have shown that gender mainstreaming has triggered organizational and procedural changes within state bureaucracies, non-governmental organizations, and international organizations. Gender equality units have been established, new policy tools have been introduced, and new procedures have been created. But feminist scholars also have shown that, all these changes notwithstanding, gender mainstreaming has not proven to be successful in achieving gender equality (cf. True and Parisi 2013). More than 15 years after the adoption of the Beijing Platform for Action, there are serious problems in translating the commitment into action. This is, as many scholars argue, not only a result of institutional and political resistance to substantially changing gender relations, but also a matter of conceptual clarity (Daly 2005; Lombardo and Meier 2006; Meier and Celis 2011; Subrahmanian 2004).

'Gender budgeting' (also known as 'Gender Responsive Budgeting' – GRB) has been described as, '…an approach to budgeting that uses fiscal policy and administration to promote gender equality, and girls' and women's development.' More specifically, gender budgeting initiatives typically aim to:Use gender-sensitive analysis to understand female and male citizens' level of access to public goods and services, and the impact that this access (or lack of access) has on their welfare;Adjust expenditure and revenue collection in ways that strengthen gender equality;Ensure that adequate financing is provided for the implementation of laws and policies that are intended to promote gender equality. Gender inequality is damaging to citizen's rights, welfare and capabilities. It can also act as a barrier to economic development. Gender budgeting can benefit society by helping to reduce gender inequality, and can also enable a more efficient use of fiscal resources.

Das internationale Konzept Gender Budget wurde entwickelt als Strategie zur Herstellung von Geschlechtergerechtigkeit in und mit öffentlichen Haushalten. Seine Wurzeln liegen in der internationalen Entwicklungspolitik ebenso wie in der Frauen- und Geschlechterforschung. Als finanzpolitische Komponente des universalen Programmes Gender Main-streaming erzielte es seinen öffentlichen Durchbruch seit der 4. Weltfrauen-konferenz 1995 in Peking. Die Europäische Union hat sich das Gedankengut zu eigen gemacht, in ihren Verträgen und Richtlinien juristisch festgeschrieben und somit den Mitgliedsstaaten zur Realisierung aufgetragen. In Deutschland erfolgt die Implementierung bisher eher punktuell und dilatorisch, so dass das Konzept auch Jahre nach seiner Entstehung nur wenige praktische Beispiele hervorgebracht hat. Hierunter befinden sich auf der operativen Ebene bereits einige Öffentliche Bibliotheken. Diesen mangelt es nicht an Erfahrung mit Reformprozessen – vom Wandel des Medienmarktes bis hin zu den Verwaltungsreformen. Bibliotheken erheben traditionell umfangreiches Datenmaterial und sind geübt im Umgang mit den Erfordernissen von Frauenarbeitsplätzen. Auf dieser Grundlage erweisen sich die Öffentlichen Bibliotheken als geeigneter Gegenstand für die Untersuchung von Bedeutung und prospektiven Auswirkungen des neuen Konzeptes. Nutzerschaft und Personal werden einer Gender-Analyse unterzogen und die Ansatzpunkte für künftige Gender Budgets explizit herausgearbeitet. Deutlich sichtbar wird hierdurch der Handlungsbedarf, der zu geschlechtergerechten Reformen führen soll. Der methodische Gender Budgeting-Prozess bedarf der Initiierung durch Politik und Verwaltungsspitze, um als Top-down-Prozess mit der erforderlichen Nachdrücklich-keit wirksam zu werden. Und er benötigt umfassenderes Datenmaterial aus allen Verwaltungsabteilungen zur Herstellung von Transparenz und zur gendergerechten Verteilung der Finanzmittel innerhalb des kommunalen Haushaltes. ; The international concept of gender budget has been developed as a strategy to create gender equality for and with public funds. It is rooted in the international development policy as well as in gender studies. As a financial policy component of the universal programme of gender main-streaming it has had its public break-through since the 4th international women's conference in Beijing in 1995. The European Union has adopted the ideas and stipulated them in its contracts and guidelines and, thus, entrusted the member states to put them into practise. In Germany, the implementation has been effected so far only in some places and in a dilatory way so that the concept has produced only few practical examples even years after its creation. Among these, there are already some public libraries on the level of operation. They are not lacking in experience with reform processes – from the change of the media market to the administrative reforms. Libraries traditionally gather comprehensive data material and are used to handling requirements regarding women's workplaces. On this basis, the public libraries are a suitable subject as to the examination of the significance and prospective impacts of the concept. The users and the personnel are subject to a gender analysis and the starting points for future gender budgets are elaborated explicitly. Thereby, the need for action which shall lead to reforms regarding gender equality becomes clearly visible. The methodical gender budgeting process must be initiated by politics and the administrative management in order to become effective as a top-down process with the necessary emphasis. Moreover, it requires more extensive data material from all the administrative departments in order to create transparency and to allocate the funds of the communal budget in consideration of gender equality.

GENDER JUSTICE is an avowedly liberal tract on the problems of gender discrimination in our society. It seeks to provide an alternative to the visions of both conservatives and radical feminists. The book fails in its liberal mission for some of the same reasons that the new breed of Democrats cannot seem to raise much of a challenge to the Republican ideology currently sweeping the country. The authors endorse many of the policies advocated by conservatives-- they reject affirmative action and comparable worth, for example-- but they do so by means of a liberal, process-oriented approach.

Gender Medizin ist eine Disziplin der Humanmedizin, die den Einfluss von biologischem (Sex) und psychosozialem Geschlecht (Gender) gemäß dem bio-psycho-sozialen Modell von Gesundheit und Krankheit berücksichtigt. Ziel ist es, die Lebensqualität über die gesamte Lebensspanne zu erhalten und eine optimale medizinische Versorgung aller Geschlechter zu ermöglichen. Geschichtliche Grundlagen waren die Frauenbewegung der 1960er Jahre und die daraus entstandene Frauen- und Männergesundheitsforschung.