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Kostas Raptis, Middle classes and middle class culture in Europe, 1789-1914: approaches in modern historiographyThe history of the european middle classes from the late 18th to theearly 20th century is a very wide topic and relates to economic, social,political, gender and culture history. This essay gives a brief overviewof the main subjects regarding it. It draws mainly on (pioneer) germanspeaking,but also on english and french literature. Following the currentdebate, it points to the different social and economic groups making upthe so called ((Bürgertum», to their common characteristics, as well astheir specific culture, the ((Bürgerlichkeit)).More specifically this paper is concerned with the followin subjects:— the composition of the «Bürgertum» and the features of its maingroups (professionals, bourgeois of money and bourgeois of knowledge)— the relevant terminology in german, french and english language— the comparison between upper middle class and nobility— the social position and role of the lowermiddle classes— the relation of the bourgeoisie to liberalism and nationalism— the study of the history of the middle classes in the specific contextof a town or a city (as an urban phenomenon)— the position and role of middle class women in a bourgeois society— the middle class family— the bourgeois way of life and culture in general ; Kostas Raptis, Middle classes and middle class culture in Europe, 1789-1914: approaches in modern historiographyThe history of the european middle classes from the late 18th to theearly 20th century is a very wide topic and relates to economic, social,political, gender and culture history. This essay gives a brief overviewof the main subjects regarding it. It draws mainly on (pioneer) germanspeaking,but also on english and french literature. Following the currentdebate, it points to the different social and economic groups making upthe so called ((Bürgertum», to their common characteristics, as well astheir specific culture, the ((Bürgerlichkeit)).More specifically this paper is concerned with the followin subjects:— the composition of the «Bürgertum» and the features of its maingroups (professionals, bourgeois of money and bourgeois of knowledge)— the relevant terminology in german, french and english language— the comparison between upper middle class and nobility— the social position and role of the lowermiddle classes— the relation of the bourgeoisie to liberalism and nationalism— the study of the history of the middle classes in the specific contextof a town or a city (as an urban phenomenon)— the position and role of middle class women in a bourgeois society— the middle class family— the bourgeois way of life and culture in general

Δεν παρατίθεται περίληψη στα ελληνικά. ; Visant à stimuler d'une part le dialogue entre anthropologues et historiens/iennes et d'autre part les débats concernant les problèmes epistémologiques et politiques que posent l'histoire et l'anthropologie des femmes et des sexes, l'Association des Études Néohelléniques organisa une table-ronde sur les approches historiques et anthropologiques du «gender» et procéda à la publication des quatre interventions des collègues invités: Eleni Fournaraki examine certaines étapes du déplacement que connût récemment l'histoire des femmes, centrée sur les terrains spécifiques où les expériences des femmes ont été historiquement formées —démarche répondant à un besoin toujours actuel—, vers une «nouvelle synthèse historique»; celle-ci renouvelle le questionnement de l'histoire des femmes (et de l'histoire en général), en posant au centre de l'analyse les rapports masculin-féminin (en relation avec d'autres formes d'inégalité sociale) et le sexe, conçu comme construction culturelle. Efthymios Papataxiarchis se réfère aux différentes conceptions théoriques actuelles du sexe (le sexe comme rôle, relation et construction) et commente leurs conséquences cognitives plus larges pour l'anthropologie; examinant aussi ces conséquences pour le virage anthropologique de l'histoire, il constate une certaine difficulté de l'histoire à appliquer la théorie du sexe comme construction. Alexandra Bakalaki en analysant la contribution de l'anthropologie à la décomposition du sexe en tant qu'élément constitutif du sujet, se demande si en effet «l'anthropologie des femmes est pour l'anthropologie ce que l'enfance est pour la maturité»; elle estime que l'assertion ci-dessus, assez repondue actuellement au sein des anthropologues, est trop simpliste, car d'une part elle tend à «oublier» la critique de l'anthropologie des femmes à la «règle)) ethnocentrique et sexuée imposée par les «pères» de l'anthropologie, et d'autre part elle risque à sous-estimer certains problèmes, théoriques et politiques, que relève le virage vers l'anthropologie du sexe, indépendamment de son intérêt scientifique incontestable. Efi Avdela, en posant certaines questions plus générales sur l'historiographie, analyse deux stéréotypes qui accompagnent souvent la réception de l'histoire des femmes et/ou des sexes en Grèce: soit elle est envisagée comme un terrain cognitif discrédité car taxé d'usage politique-idéologique soit elle est considérée comme une thématique manquant d'intérêt scientifique.

Δεν παρατίθεται περίληψη στα ελληνικά. ; Eleni Fournaraki, «Wherefore deprive her of the vote?». Universal male suffrage and the exclusion of women from politics in 19th century Greece Through study of the Greek case, this article tries to explore the exclusion of women from political rights in the context of liberal democracy as a historiographical problem. In contrast to the vast majority of representative states at the time, political circumstances prevailing in Greece led to the constitutional establishment of universal male suffrage in 1864, though not without provoking the discontent of a sizeable portion of the political scene for several years thereafter. According to «conventional» historical accounts, there can be no doubt that women's exclusion from «universal suffrage» in 1864, while not explicity articulated in the Constitution or any pertinent legislation, was regarded as self-evident. Furthermore, prior to 1910-20 the possibility of attributing the vote to women did not preoccupy party politics, while a suffragist movement did not appear before the Inter-war period. Our own approach can be summarized as follows: exploration of the meaning of women's exclusion from political rights in a democratic conjuncture that assured those rights to all adult men may reveal the full dimensions of the conflict dynamic that democratic conquests presuppose. In the first place, this dynamic applies to men themselves, or more precisely to the less privileged among them. As empirical data reveal, the question of women's political rights, even if acquiring those rights was not an existing possibility, could appear as a constructive element of the political discourse: women's exclusion could have been put forward as one of the issues in the argument against universal male suffrage. It is precisely the self-evident and trivial nature of this exclusion together with that of children which could offer a more convincing argument against the conception of suffrage as a natural right. A lack of internal coherence and consistency in the argument of the advocates of «universal suffrage», could be pointed out through the emphasis, conversely, on the irrationality of a regime that guaranteed political participation down to the very last «illiterate» or «vagrant» man, while depriving all women of the vote, especially those who had the ability to possess and administrate property. Support for suffrage for those women was not totally absent from such argumentation, which served to reveal the contradictions that women's exclusion from political rights brought to the heart of the modern system for the legitimization of sovereignty. Through examination of the arguments employed by the science of constitutional law to justify exclusion, we observe a broader process of redefinition and rationalization of the existing gender hierarchy, in modern terms. Crystallized in the last quarter of 19th century, this process appealed to the notion of the biological and psychological «specificity» of «female nature)) in order to legitimize the incompatibility of women as a whole with politics.