Prema postmodernističkim shvaćanjima, identitet je promjenjiva kategorija koja se sukladno tome razmatra sve fragilnije i fragmentiranije. On je ponajprije racionalni konstrukt, a kultura se najčešće promatra kao glavno uporište tvorbe i razumijevanja identiteta. Kultura je, interpretirana kao opći komunikacijski proces, neizbježno izložena imperativima ekonomskih i globalizacijskih trendova. Grad je jedan od osnovnih okvira izgradnje zavičajnog identiteta. Za opstanak u tržišnoj utakmici primarno se nastoje izgraditi gradski identiteti, tj. nastoji se pronaći gradski brand koji bi u masovnoj ponudi ostao prepoznatljiv. Interpretacije zavičajne povijesti služe upravo za konstrukciju identiteta grada kojim se on predstavlja na tržištu. Grad Rijeka, u potrazi za vlastitim identitetom, stvara mogući gradski brand Karolinu Riječku na temeljima površne interpretacije lokalne povijesti i bez sigurnih utemeljenja u povijesnim vrelima. U sklopu kapitalističkih ekonomskih i tržišnih vrijednosti iskonstruirao se identitet gradske heroine kao žene koja ne može utjecati na povijesna zbivanja ni na koji drugi način već vlastitom seksualnošću. Na taj se način potiče stereotipizacija, vulgarizacija i jednodimenzionalnost identiteta grada te se direktno i neodgovorno utječe na masovna razumijevanja ljudskih odnosa i povijesnih događanja. ; According to the post-modern view, identity is a modifiable category, which is accordingly addressed in an ever more fragile and fragmented manner. It is first and foremost a rational construction, while culture is most frequently looked upon as the main point of reference in creating and understanding identity. Culture, interpreted as general communication process, is inevitably exposed to imperatives of economic and globalisation trends. City is one of the principal frames for building native identity. In order to survive market competition, it is primarily endeavoured to form city identities, i.e. to find such a city brand that would remain recognisable within the mass offer. Interpretations of native history serve directly the creation of city identity, which might represent it on the market. The city of Rijeka, searching for its own identity, has formed its potential city brand – Karolina Riječka – on the foundations of a rather shallow interpretation of local history, without solid confirmation in historical sources. Within the framework of capitalistic economic and market values, the identity of the city heroine as a woman, whose only potential to influence the historical sequence of events lies in her own sexuality, has been constructed. In this way, stereotypisation, vulgarisation and one-dimensionality of city identity are stimulated; moreover, a direct and irresponsible impact on the mass understanding of human relations and historical events is exercised.
Two analyses have been carried out for the purpose of this study. The first refers to the analysis of the gender differences in the development of civil sense (understanding citizenship) & the practice of citizenship (practicing citizenship). The second refers primarily to the analysis of the variables of the "school experience" (the school climate or the perceived opportunity for an open classroom discussion, & the variables of the perceived tasks of classroom learning or education) & how they influence the expected voting behaviour of adults. The findings were compared to similar international comparative studies (the 2001 TEA study, C. Hahn's study of 1998). Our study has shown that the gender differences regarding the civil political sense & the culture among young people have been diminishing but have not fully disappeared, & that there are significant differences among individual countries in that respect. Our research has shown that there are significant gender differences in their understanding of citizenship; these differences are somewhat smaller for the variable of the practice of citizenship among high-school students. However, those differences are not particularly pronounced. It seems that it is no longer justified to talk about civil political culture as "male culture," though gender still creates marked differences but no longer solely in favour of men. We have not come to the end of the road leading to a balanced civil political culture yet, at least regarding gender. & secondly, our study has shown that the political education of students & the perceived tasks of political education in schools influence the expected adult voting behaviour. This confirms the thesis that the classroom political education is relevant, at least to a limited degree, for the key variables of civil sense & practice. 4 Tables, 6 References. Adapted from the source document.
The article includes the bulk of the results of research conducted in 1998 on the social status of female artists in the Republic of Croatia (doctoral thesis). The typology based on ancient Greek mythology (the Muses, the Nymphs, Eurynome) in the manner of Weber's ideal types enables the manifestation of diverse forms of female identity. Female artists recognize & distinguish two dimensions of power: the will for power (Nietzsche, Hegel) & the power for women (N. Hartsock). This recognition is demonstrated by a contradictory & ambivalent understanding of this notion, in fact by its redefinition (the "struggle with ease," they are & are not fighters), by the salient distancing from the will for power & the assertion of the power for women. Some female artists recognize the importance of gender for success in the world of art but an equal number of them do not. However, the majority think that awards, juries' decisions, & the opinion of the public & the critics do not depend on an artist's gender. Those among them who are aware of the importance of gender for success & recognition think that women are in an inferior position. 1 Table, 12 References. Adapted from the source document.
Each election year in Croatia is an occasion for comparing the social guidelines & the practice. To what extent is the policy of gender equality applied to the participation of women in political decision-making at the parliamentary level in Croatia? Modest results are not an exception: almost in all countries there is the gap between the two. Nevertheless, the extent of the participation in older democratic countries is on the average somewhat higher, which can be attributed to the influence of the egalitarian concept of gender roles & the proportional electoral system. In younger democratic countries, including Croatia, the average is somewhat lower due to the significance of socio-economic factors. In some countries a higher level of participation can for the time being be achieved only via the mechanisms of affirmative action i.e. quotas. Therefore, for Croatia it is essential to achieve the "critical mass" of women in its parliament, which can be brought about by introducing quotas at the party level, by democratic selective procedures of nominating candidates, & by putting up candidates of both genders on the party lists, which means that the highest percentages of women in the parliament can be expected from modern parties promoting the deliberate regulation of the above processes. References. Adapted from the source document.
The paper attempts to shed light on the concept of imagination and its formative role in imagining collective identities such as gender, religion or nation in literary, journalistic and programmatical texts written by Croatian revivers, as well as in the poetry of the Croatian War of Independence. Here, the concept of imagination is conceived as a field criss-crossed by contradictions selectively used by the revivers and contemporary Croatian poets in the 1990's, in order to achieve certain political goals. According to need, they use it to reconcile resemblances with differences, general with particular or else for the purpose of generating hegemonistic symbols or organic unity of culture/nation, they erase divisions, ignoring and abolishing othernesses. ; The paper attempts to shed light on the concept of imagination and its formative role in imagining collective identities such as gender, religion or nation in literary, journalistic and programmatical texts written by Croatian revivers, as well as in the poetry of the Croatian War of Independence. Here, the concept of imagination is conceived as a field criss-crossed by contradictions selectively used by the revivers and contemporary Croatian poets in the 1990's, in order to achieve certain political goals. According to need, they use it to reconcile resemblances with differences, general with particular or else for the purpose of generating hegemonistic symbols or organic unity of culture/nation, they erase divisions, ignoring and abolishing othernesses.
The central features of the political "profile" of European women at the beginning of this decade were a diminished interest in politics, infrequent inclusion of political topics in private conversations, & decreased willingness to adopt a political option. Compared to other European countries, Croatia projects an entirely different image: a pronounced interest of women in politics, very similar to that of men! This partly proves the "law" that a rise in level of education, working outside home, & middle age are the catalysts for women's desire to enter the world of politics. The transition, the war, & the "legacy" of socialist ideology account for this massive public interest in politics & the much lessened gender differences. 14 Tables, 5 References. Adapted from the source document.
Repository: Fakultet političkih znanosti, Sveučilište u Zagrebu: FPZG repozitorij - diplomski radovi studenata politologije i novinarstva / Faculty of Political Science of Zagreb University: graduate works of students of political science and journalism
Rad problematizira stereotipiziran prikaz žena unutar televizijske političke fikcije. Temelji se na analizi prikaza ženskih likova triju političkih serija: Igre moći (Political Animals), Borgen – sjedište moći (Borgen) I Kuća od karata (House of Cards). Primjenom Bechdel testa utvrđeno je kako ženski likovi često razgovaraju o temama koje pripadaju privatnoj sferi te njihovi dijalozi često uključuju spominjanje muških likova. Rezultati pokazuju kako su žene stereotipizirano reprezentirane u različitim područjima, unatoč prisutnosti postfeminističkih odrednica prikaza ženskosti. Češće su prikazane emocije ženskih likova te je naglašena seksualnost ženskih likova, a njihove su profesionalne uloge uvelike rodno raspodijeljene. Posebno zabrinjavaju rezultati analize narativne funkcije protagonistkinja prikazanih na visokim pozicijama moći koje su portretirane rodnim okvirima koji ukazuju na tradicionalno razumijevanje ženskosti te političku sferu određenu muškošću. Podatci dobiveni analizom potvrđuju kako su žene prikazane kao nepripadajuće i u suprotnosti s pripadnicima prezentirane političke elite. ; Study is questioning the stereotipical image of women in political television fiction. It is based on the analysis of reprezentation of female characters in three political series: Political Animals, Borgen and House of Cards. Method of the Bechdel test has shown that, based on the themes of women communication, conversations of female characters most often can be classifide as a part of the private sphere. Results have shown stereotipical reprezentation of women in different areas, despite of presence of postfeminist femininity determinants. Emotions of female characters are shown more often than those of male characters, and sexuality of female characters is emphasised. Gendered differences in occupational distribution among characters are determined in analyzed program. Particularly concerning are the results of narrative analysis of female protagonists whom hold places of high political power which are portrated using gender frames what indicates traditional understanding of femininity and private sphere determend with masculinity. Analysis results have confirmed that women are represented as outsiders and in opposition to members of presented political elite.
The author deals with the problem of adjustment to the Bologna process, using the philosophical-political distinctions between open & guided intertraditional exchange, & between utopian & piecemeal social engineering. In his opinion, the process might be perceived as a sort of cultural imperialism that need not be disastrous for its victims. The reform should create the conditions for the organization of serious multidisciplinary studies at the university level (European studies, American studies, gender studies, peace studies, etc). Should changes at the U of Zagreb be implemented systematically, though prudently, the results could be positive. However, the author warns that the role of tradition should not be underestimated nor the possibility of serious quandaries in the implementation of the reform of higher education excluded, even if the changes are introduced gradually. 4 References. Adapted from the source document.
Although the representation of women in national parliaments has been on the increase since World War Two, the number of women in assemblies has yet to reach 20 percent. The parliaments in which women participate with 30 or 40 percent are most viewed as laudable exceptions rather than (as yet) the unattained objective. The reasons lie in the specific gender obstacles ie., political, socio-economic & socio-cultural factors affecting the entry of women into parliaments. This paper deals with these factors & the consequences of a stronger female representation for the political system & the society on the whole. The author concludes that besides satisfying the ideal of justice the increased share of women in national parliaments may improve the position of women in the society & also strengthen the trust of both women & men in representative institutions. Tables, Graphs, References. Adapted from the source document.
The regimes created after the collapse of communism are based on the belief that the liberal-democratic political system & the market economy are a sufficient guarantee for the personal prosperity & the proclaimed political equality of all individuals. Practice, however, shows that this is not so & that, when women are concerned, only an "intervention" via a variety of support mechanisms enables the realization of equal opportunities. This is true both for the field of politics & employment. European policies offer a number of solutions, tested in Croatia & within the project "Attitudes of employers in the employment of women." The findings show that the attitudes concerning women at the workplace are more modern than those regarding their role in the family. Also, the support mechanisms in the employment of women & the performance of women at their workplace are selectively accepted. Women are still perceived as employees optimally linked to the traditional female professions & the mid-level executive posts in companies. The gender differences are the sole criterion on which employers base their attitudes, which leads to the conclusion that the problems of women in society are still not recognized as communal. 6 Tables, 12 Graphs, 12 References. Adapted from the source document.
The development of awareness of human rights is an important part of the process of the democratization of democracy: the development of citizens' participation, civil society, people's self-protection, self-development, & self-fulfillment. The awareness of rights should be understood as an awareness of "the right to the possibility" of personal action, & not only as the right to "unbounded" activity. Human rights should be understood as being empowered to realize the freedom for something & not only the freedom from something. That is why the awareness of human rights is increasingly becoming part of people's civic & democratic political culture. The research has shown how the human rights awareness increases the democratization potential of any country & that the development of this awareness does not depend so much on social demography (class, gender, education, age) -- though there are some inter-ethnic differences -- as on the leftist political inclinations. This has been corroborated by our survey of Croatian university students. The research has also shown that the average number of respected rights is relatively high in many countries, but that there are significant differences regarding certain rights. 3 Tables. Adapted from the source document.
New challenges that welfare states cope with brought to changed priorities in the area of social policies and the growing promotion of the dual-breadwinner model in European countries. As patterns of behaviour of men and women in the labour market are not just a reflection of the economic situation, the cultural context and individual beliefs, but also of the existing institutional arrangements in the area of social policies, work-family policies are becoming increasingly important and the area of growing intervention in many countries. Variations in work-family policies and economic activity, and the characteristics of the employment of parents in European countries bring the issue of their effect on the outcomes of parents at the labour market in the focus of interest of political and scientific debates, and efforts have been particularly made to answer the question which schemes of work-family policies really contribute to larger employment rates of parents and their better outcomes at the labour market, which is the central question of this paper as well. After a brief insight into the position of parents at the labour market in EU countries, particularly focusing on the gender differences and the differences between parents and childless individuals, the paper presents a detailed review of the results of the research dealing with the effects of different institutional context, i.e. work-family policies, on the outcomes of the parents at the labour market. The final part of the paper contains a brief discussion about the implications of the presented results of comparative studies on the situation and the development of measures in the area of work-family policies in Croatia, which clearly indicate the need for reforms. ; Novi izazovi s kojima se nose socijalne države doveli su do promijenjenih prioriteta na području socijalnih politika te rastuće promocije modela dvostrukog hranitelja u europskim zemljama. Kako obrasci ponašanja muškaraca i žena na tržištu rada nisu tek odraz ekonomske situacije te kulturnog konteksta i individualnih uvjerenja, već i postojećih institucionalnih uređenja na području socijalnih politika, upravo politike usklađivanja obiteljskih obaveza i plaćenog rada postaju višestruko važne te područje rastuće intervencije u mnogim zemljama. Varijacije u politikama usklađivanja i ekonomskoj aktivnosti te obilježjima zaposlenosti roditelja u europskim zemljama dovode pitanje njihova učinka na ishode roditelja na tržištu rada u središte interesa javnopolitičkih i znanstvenih rasprava, a posebice se pokušava dati odgovor na pitanje kakve sheme politika usklađivanja obiteljskih obaveza i plaćenog rada stvarno i doprinose većim stopama zaposlenosti roditelja i njihovim boljim ishodima na tržištu rada, što je središnje pitanje i ovog rada. Nakon kratkog uvida u položaj roditelja na tržištu rada u zemljama EU-a, posebice se fokusirajući na rodne razlike te razlike između roditelja i pojedinaca bez djece, daje se detaljan pregled rezultata istraživanja koja su se bavila djelovanjem različitog institucionalnog konteksta, odnosno politika usklađivanja obiteljskih obaveza i plaćenog rada, na ishode roditelja na tržištu rada. U zaključnom se dijelu kratko raspravljaju implikacije prikazanih rezultata komparativnih studija za stanje i razvoj mjera na području politika usklađivanja obiteljskih obaveza i plaćenog rada u Hrvatskoj, a koje jasno ukazuju na nužnost reformi.