Suchergebnisse

The Movimento Italiano Casalinghe (MOICA) was born in Brescia on 11st November 1982 thanks to Tina Leonzi and a small group of friends. Their desire was to create an association of Christian inspiration that could give voice to the category of housewives. This book tells their history, on the background of the wider history of Italian housewife, of its actual economic and social situation, contributing to fill a gap that the social sciences in Italy have left existing too long and opening a window on the future of the housewives' condition.

The experiences of discrimination and the lack of social services and policies since the late 1960s have prompted many families to unite for the respect of the rights of people with disabilities and their parental figures. Along with the political dimension, the implications and pedagogical meanings of the associations have also grown, becoming the object of interest of Special Pedagogy. The need to rethink welfare from a perspective of inclusiveness and territorial proximity requires an update of the state of the art on the phenomenon of associations of families of children with disabilities at a national and international level. The Scoping Review intends to answer following question: What social roles do the associations of families with children with disabilities take and what motivations and purposes today at national and international level? The results highlight a knowledge gap on the subject in the literature, opening up wide research margins for Special Pedagogy. Key-words: Scoping Review, Family Associations, Children with Disabilities, Inclusion. ; Le esperienze di discriminazione e la carenza di politiche e di servizi sociali a partire dalla fine degli anni '60 hanno spinto molte famiglie ad unirsi per il riconoscimento dei diritti delle persone con disabilità e delle loro figure parentali. Insieme alla dimensione politica, sono cresciuti anche i risvolti e i significati pedagogici delle associazioni diventando oggetto di interesse della Pedagogia Speciale. La necessità di ripensare il welfare in un'ottica di inclusività e di prossimità territoriale richiede un aggiornamento dello stato dell'arte sul fenomeno delle associazioni delle famiglie di bambini con disabilità a livello nazionale ed internazionale. La Scoping Review intende rispondere alla seguente domanda di ricerca: Quali ruoli sociali assumono e quali motivazioni e finalità presentano oggi le associazioni delle famiglie con figli con disabilità a livello nazionale ed internazionale? I risultati evidenziano nell'ambito della letteratura un gap di conoscenze sull'argomento aprendo ad ampi margini di ricerca per la Pedagogia Speciale. Parole chiave: Scoping Review, associazionismo familiare, bambini con disabilità, inclusione.

This volume collects the reports from the conference Quando la giustizia incontra il minore, held in Pesaro on 11th May 2013. The conference, to which jurists and professionals of the sector took part, was an important opportunity for discussion on the ways to correctly protect the hearing of minors within the many processes involving them, and on the consequent need, in the courts, for premises which are adequately equipped for that purpose. The creation of protected listening rooms in Italian courts was the main national project of the Soroptimist International of Italy during the two-year period going from 2011 to 2013; to date, 40 rooms have been completed and a further 10 are under construction. This project is also expected to continue in the upcoming two years. Soroptimist International is a women's association made up of women with high qualifications in the workplace. The association operates for the promotion of human rights, the improvement of women's condition and the acceptance of diversity through a wide array of projects. Their name comes from the Latin words soror and optima. The first Soroptimist club was born in the United States in 1921, whereas the first Italian club was founded in Milan in 1928. There are currently 143 Italian clubs with about 6.000 members. The Soroptimist International of Italy publishes the magazine "La voce delle donne - Soroptimist news" and has an institutional website: www.soroptimist.it. Foreword by the Italian Minister Annamaria Cancellieri

The associations established in the years following the Second World War – in particular the Congress for cultural freedom (CCF) and the Société européenne de culture (European Society of Culture, SEC) – were intended to create bonds among intellectuals and to promote the discussion about their function within society. This study investigates the reasons and causes which lead to said associations, and it analyses the intellectual's perception of their own role at that time and of the instruments they had to perform their civil task. The SEC, founded by the philosopher Umberto Campagnolo in 1950, has been chosen as the case study. The present PhD thesis is divided into: a methodology introduction, a story of culture organization between the end of the Nineteenth Century and the Second World War (a part which has been considered necessary in order to underline the aspects of continuity and the possible original features regarding intellectuals' associations that were founded during the Cold War years) and, finally, an in-depth analysis of the case study. The investigation moves from a transnational and comparative perspective, making use of the analytical procedure, first introduced by Pierre Bourdieu and Gisèle Sapiro, in a critical manner. In order to explore the core of this thesis, several different phases have been identified: the first one falls between 1945 and 1950, the second between 1950 (year of birth for the main intellectuals' associations) and September 1953, the third covering the period until March 1956, an important date in SEC history. For this study a wide review of cultural magazines, as well as of relevant archive material has been carried out. Campagnolo conceived culture as a creation of values: in his opinion since intellectuals, were responsible for conceiving ideas and symbols they should maintain full autonomy in the literary field. It was exactly in such dualism between autonomy and engagement that the SEC's originality can be traced. The association was founded on the conviction that, only by uniting their strength, intellectuals would have been able to win influence within society, though it was the individual who had to commit himself/herself personally. The SEC's peculiarity was determined also by its effective political independence, in spite of financing from the Italian government. It was conceived as a real association, and the instruments used for its action – the magazine "Comprendre", the national centres and the Rencontre Est-Ouest ["East-West Encounter"] – did represent new important elements for the organizations of the time. By means of a thorough study of Campagnolo's speeches, of the "Comprendre" magazine, of the Meetings debates, of correspondence and of the strategy for new members' recruitment, the SEC's task was defined as "metaphysical", meaning that it was not linked to events, but to the spirit which should have accompanied any cultural action. It was hence inferred that the SEC and the CCF were competing for non-political reasons. Actually, the SEC intended to safeguard the autonomy of intellectual relations (defining such an approach as politique de la culture [politics of culture]), while the CCF supported heteronomy, employing Art and literature with a precise political aim. The contrast between these two institutions was hence due to a different conception the intellectuals held about their own role in society. Therefore, the associations under examination did not represent an instrument with a univocal meaning: as demonstrated by the analysis which has been carried out, they were devoid of any intrinsically autonomous or heteronymous function with respect to the literary field. Furthermore it is clearly confirmed that intellectuals had a role of mediation, as they had always affirmed during past history The development of intellectuals' associations needs to be ascribed to the social aspects of the writer's or artist's function, more than to political factors related to the conflict between the blocks. In the attempt to fully understand the reasons for the success of intellectuals' associations in those years, it has been hypothesized that a decline of the authority provided by traditional mediation forms among intellectuals, masses and politics had occurred. The social problem connected to such form of cultural organization was brought to light: in the SEC, it was less renowned intellectuals who showed particular involvement, and this means that actual interest for the SEC was due to their social condition and to the position a person had in the intellectual field. The sources examined have shown how in Western Europe, after the Cold War peak reached in the months of armed conflict in Korea, the conception of engagement itself evolved: intellectuals were integral part of society, were free to choose time, place and mode for their interventions, positioning themselves midway between pure action and pure Art. This point of arrival corresponded to Campagnolo's own conclusions, who rightly maintained that the root of the intellectuals' problem and of their crisis was social, rather than moral or political, relating to their role in a society which was more and more massified. The acceptance of an intermediate position among those expressed after the Second World War put a light on how ideological differences could be smoothed, while the need for autonomy and defence of intellectuals as expressed by associations remained.

Grazie alla collaborazione con l'Associazione Altrosud, la Biblioteca nazionale centrale di Roma ha recentemente acquisito la base dati complessiva dell'archivio della Rete degli archivi sonori di musiche di tradizione orale. È stato così possibile fondere in un'unica e innovativa base dati gli archivi delle ricerche condotte in passato in Abruzzo, Basilicata, Campania, Marche, Puglia e Umbria. Tale progetto si inserisce in una politica più vasta della Biblioteca di valorizzazione della cultura popolare e della letteratura dialettale, che ha recentemente trovato attuazione anche nell'acquisizione della parte più cospicua della biblioteca di Tullio De Mauro, del fondo del poeta romanesco Mario Dell'Arco e della raccolta di volumi di letteratura dialettale del Centro di documentazione "Vincenzo Scarpellino". ; Thanks to the collaboration with the Altrosud Association, the Central national library of Rome has recently acquired the overall database of the archive of the Sound archives network of oral tradition music. It was thus possible to merge the archives of research conducted in the past in Abruzzo, Basilicata, Campania, Marche, Puglia and Umbria in a single and innovative database. This project is part of a wider policy of the Library of enhancement of popular culture and dialectal literature that has recently been implemented also in the acquisition of the most conspicuous part of the library of Tullio De Mauro, of the fund of the Roman poet Mario Dell'Arco and of the collection of volumes of dialect literature from the "Vincenzo Scarellino" documentation center.

ITALIANO: La Società Napoletana di Storia Patria fu creata nel 1875 per volontà di alcuni politici e studiosi napoletani, mutuando la sua struttura dalle società storiche già sorte. Come gli altri istituti italiani, anche il sodalizio napoletano ebbe come primari interessi l'edizione di fonti, la difesa della propria autonomia, il tentativo di conciliare piccola e grande patria. Lo scopo era duplice: rafforzare il legame tra la popolazione e la dinastia sabauda ed evidenziare, tramite le memorie locali, il contributo dato al processo di nation building. Attraverso la ricostruzione biografica di alcuni membri della società storica napoletana, si comprende bene che nulla di ciò che accadeva in città era lontano dall'istituto: dal controllo dell'istruzione pubblica alla tutela dei monumenti, all'amministrazione degli enti di beneficenza. Pur essendoci già prestigiosi cenacoli culturali, la società storica seppe creare infatti un'ampia rete di rapporti, grazie anche al numero aperto delle iscrizioni e a una quota associativa tutto sommato accessibile. Le vicende di questo istituto, qui ricostruite dall'anno di fondazione al 1946 attraverso fonti documentarie inedite e una ricca bibliografia, si rivelano pertanto utili per chi voglia conoscere da vicino le dinamiche culturali del Mezzogiorno continentale all'indomani dell'Unità. / ENGLISH: The Neapolitan Society of Homeland History was created in 1875 through the will of some Neapolitan politicians and scholars, who borrowed its structure from previously established historical societies. Like the other Italian institutions, the Neapolitan association was also primarily interested in the publication of sources, the defense of autonomy, and the attempt to reconcile the smaller and the larger nation. The objective was twofold: to reinforce the ties between the local people and the Savoy dynasty, and to underline, through historical memory, the local contribution made to the process of nation building. Through the biographical reconstruction of some members of the Neapolitan historical society, it is well understood that nothing that happened in the city took place far from the institution; from the control of public instruction to the protection of monuments, to the administration of charity organizations. Although there were already some prestigious cultural associations, the historical society knew how to create a wide network of relationships, thanks to the policy of open membership and a fairly accessible membership fee. The events which took place at this institution, reconstructed here from its founding to 1946, through previously unpublished documentary sources and a full bibliography, are thus useful for those who wish to learn about the cultural dynamics of southern continental Italy and the period following the Unification.

[English]: The Neapolitan Society of Homeland History was created in 1875 through the will of some Neapolitan politicians and scholars, who borrowed its structure from previously established historical societies. Like the other Italian institutions, the Neapolitan association was also primarily interested in the publication of sources, the defense of autonomy, and the attempt to reconcile the smaller and the larger nation. The objective was twofold: to reinforce the ties between the local people and the Savoy dynasty, and to underline, through historical memory, the local contribution made to the process of nation building. Through the biographical reconstruction of some members of the Neapolitan historical society, it is well understood that nothing that happened in the city took place far from the institution; from the control of public instruction to the protection of monuments, to the administration of charity organizations. Although there were already some prestigious cultural associations, the historical society knew how to create a wide network of relationships, thanks to the policy of open membership and a fairly accessible membership fee. The events which took place at this institution, reconstructed here from its founding to 1946, through previously unpublished documentary sources and a full bibliography, are thus useful for those who wish to learn about the cultural dynamics of southern continental Italy and the period following the Unification / [Italiano]: La Società Napoletana di Storia Patria fu creata nel 1875 per volontà di alcuni politici e studiosi napoletani, mutuando la sua struttura dalle società storiche già sorte. Come gli altri istituti italiani, anche il sodalizio napoletano ebbe come primari interessi l'edizione di fonti, la difesa della propria autonomia, il tentativo di conciliare piccola e grande patria. Lo scopo era duplice: rafforzare il legame tra la popolazione e la dinastia sabauda ed evidenziare, tramite le memorie locali, il contributo dato al processo di nation building. Attraverso la ricostruzione biografica di alcuni membri della società storica napoletana, si comprende bene che nulla di ciò che accadeva in città era lontano dall'istituto: dal controllo dell'istruzione pubblica alla tutela dei monumenti, all'amministrazione degli enti di beneficenza. Pur essendoci già prestigiosi cenacoli culturali, la società storica seppe creare infatti un'ampia rete di rapporti, grazie anche al numero aperto delle iscrizioni e a una quota associativa tutto sommato accessibile. Le vicende di questo istituto, qui ricostruite dall'anno di fondazione al 1946 attraverso fonti documentarie inedite e una ricca bibliografia, si rivelano pertanto utili per chi voglia conoscere da vicino le dinamiche culturali del Mezzogiorno continentale all'indomani dell'Unità.

Sociology of work in Italy revived at the end of WWII, after thirty years of forced oblivion. This thesis examines the history of discipline by considering three paths that it followed from its revival up to its institutionalization: the influence of the productivity drive, the role of trade unions and the activity of early young researchers. European Productivity Agency's Italian office Comitato Nazionale per la Produttività propagandised studies on management and on the effects of the industrialization on work and society. Academicians, technicians, psychologists who worked for CNP started rethinking sociology of work, but the managerial use of sociology was unacceptable for both trade unions and young researchers. So "free union†CISL created a School in Florence with an eager attention to social sciences as a medium to become a new model union, while Marxist CGIL, despite its ideological aversion to sociology, finally accepted the social sciences lexicon in order to explain the work changes and to resist against the employers' association offensive. On the other hand, political and social engagement led a first generation of sociologists to study social phenomenon in the recently industrialized Italy by using the sociological analysis. Finally, the thesis investigate the cultural transfers from France, whose industrial sociology (sociologie du travail) was considered as a reference in continental Europe. Nearby the wide importance of French sociologie, financially aided by planning institutions in order to employ it in the industrial reconstruction, other minor experiences such as the social surveys accomplished by worker-priests in the suburbs of industrial cities and the heterodox Marxism of the review "Socialisme ou Barbarie†influenced Italian sociology of work.

In a society characterized by the intermingling or many and a different cultures, two options are open to the policy-makers: multiculturalism, for which every culture is, to say, like an island segregated from the others cultures and commanding an exclusive identification on the part of its members; and interculturalism, which allows for more flexible and dynamic relations between cultures, each of them been so thought as an integral part of a wider and inclusive setting of common beliefs and values. In the framework of the intercultural politics the problem arises of the ways in which an effective network of relationships between cultures may be built in order to promote their integration, i.e. the problem of intercultural mediation. The essay deals with the role that the key figure (that of the intercultural mediator) should play in this process. He should possess a high degree of education and professionalism in order to operate according to effective universalistic standards and promote the integration of immigrants. This implies that his recruitment must be completely independent of any origin or ethno-cultural affiliation. To date, at the national level the figure of the mediator has not been regulated and the whole sector is mostly managed by social cooperatives, cultural associations or immigrants' associations that offer their services to the institutions with positive effects, but also with inevitable negative implications. ; In una società caratterizzata dalla molteplicità/compresenza di molte e diverse culture, al policy-maker si aprono due opzioni: il multiculturalismo, per il quale ogni cultura è, per così dire, un'isola separata dalle altre e alla quale va l'identificazione esclusiva dei suoi membri; e l'interculturalismo, che consente rapporti più flessibili e dinamici tra le culture, ognuna delle quali è pensata come parte di un unico e più inclusivo ambiente di credenze e di valori comuni. All'interno della politiche interculturali si pone il problema dei modi in cui costruire una effettiva rete di rapporti fra le culture al fine di promuoverne l'integrazione, ossia il problema della mediazione interculturale. Il saggio si occupa del ruolo che dovrebbe svolgere la figura chiave in questo processo, quella del mediatore interculturale. Questo dovrebbe possedere un elevato grado di istruzione e di professionalità al fine di poter operare secondo efficaci standard universalistici e favorire l'integrazione degli immigrati. Ciò comporta che il suo reclutamento prescinda del tutto da ogni provenienza o appartenenza etno-culturale. A tutt'oggi, a livello nazionale, la figura del mediatore non è stata normata e l'intero settore è gestito per lo più da cooperative sociali, da associazioni culturali o di immigrati che offrono i loro servizi alle istituzioni con effetti positivi, ma anche con inevitabili distorsioni.

Because of a series of historical, social, cultural and political reasons, in Italy the history of kidnapping has not had an exclusively criminal connotation and has gained features of uniqueness in Europe. After a wide diffusion, with passing of the time, this kind of crime has ended not to be part of the interests of mafia associations, while in the past it was their principal activity. Nevertheless, another kind of kidnapping, the flash kidnapping, seems to have gained the interests of specialized criminal groups. After having described the historical evolution and the different typologies of traditional kidnapping, the authors focus on the description of different kinds of flash kidnapping, in the two versions known at the moment: protracted robbery and robbery with hostage taking. Finally, they have outlined a profile about new typologies of kidnappings occurring in clandestine immigration traffic. ; La storia dei sequestri di persona ha avuto in Italia per una serie di motivazioni storiche, sociali, culturali e politiche, una connotazione non esclusivamente criminale, avendo assunto di fatto caratteristiche che la hanno resa unica in Europa. Questo genere di reato dopo una grande diffusione nel tempo ha finito per non rientrare più tra gli interessi delle diverse associazioni mafiose che in precedenza ne costituivano il motore principale. Altre forme di sequestro di persona – i sequestri lampo – sembrano tuttavia aver attratto l'interesse di bande criminali specializzate. Gli autori, dopo aver descritto l'evoluzione storica e le diverse tipologie dei sequestri di persona tradizionali, si soffermano sulla descrizione di differenti tipologie di sequestro lampo, nelle due varianti attualmente note, le rapine prolungate e le rapine con prelievo di ostaggio, per poi tracciare infine, un profilo sulle nuove tipologie di sequestri di persona consumati nell'ambito del traffico dell'immigrazione clandestina.

In the wide debate about the crisis of the welfare systems in Europe, the very role of the State has been challenged. The subsidiarity approach, in particular, has developed a very articulated theoretical discourse, showing the necessity to reform the social order in line with the principle of subsidiarity. The principle prescribes that the State needs to play a role of guarantee of the common good, while the provision of services has to be devolved to lower-level providers, with a public or a private status. This implies that the activation of private actors becomes a condition for the achievement of the common good. The research question guiding our analysis refers to how the State can act as the guardian of the common interest while its achievement is left to the mobilization of individuals and groups. After a presentation of the subsidiarity approach, and of its contribution to the debate on the redefinition of the role of the State, the analysis focuses on the Lombardy case as a model of "subsidiarity governance". We concentrate on the solutions identified by the regional government in order to promote the activation of people and civil society. In particular, we focus on the implementation of two policies presented by the regional government as "subsidiarity inspired": a school voucher scheme, introduced in 2000, targeted at families choosing private schools (Buono scuola) and a policy of promotion of family associations introduced in 1999. The analysis aims at evaluating the success of these policies in promoting subsidiarity-inspired choices, in order to assess how top-down interventions by the State can have an impact in stimulating bottom-up mobilization by the civil society.

Although it is well known that Italy is characterized by a rather high level of inequality in income distribution, as testified by many empirical studies using objective data, there is a lack of studies about subjective aspects of inequalities, i.e. how people perceive and judge them. This article investigates Italian workers' attitudes to income inequalities using recent data from a nationally representative sample (N = 2.500). I report findings about three kinds of attitudes – perceived actual inequalities, legitimate inequalities, and tolerance of inequalities – measured by respondents' estimation of income ratios between high and low status occupations (like in past ISSP surveys). At the aggregate level, the main result is that high income inequalities, even though generally underestimated by interviewees, are quite uniformly considered unjust at the level where respondents actually perceive them. At the micro level, as suggested by sociological and economic theories, this analysis investigated the role of self-interest and political orientation as drivers of attitudes towards inequalities and the system generating them. Regression results show that both class and income, as indicators of self-interest, matter for the level of legitimate («just») inequalities. As expected, people in the service class and more affluent individuals accept wider income ratios between occupations than working class people and less affluent individuals. However income, unlike class, influences the perception of the actual level of inequalities. Thus class, rather than income, turns to be associated with tolerance of inequalities. Quite unexpectedly, political orientation, as measured by self-placement along the left-right axis, is not correlated with legitimate inequalities. All the apparent association between political orientation and (in-)tolerance of inequalities is almost entirely due to the heightened awareness of actual income inequalities displayed by left-wing people, not by their opinion about just income ratios. Variations of these relationships at sub-national level were also found and reported.

Human biomonitoring (HBM) is an ideal tool for evaluating toxicant exposure in health risk assessment. Chemical substances or their metabolites related to environmental pollutants can be detected as biomarkers of exposure using a wide variety of biological fluids. Individual exposure to aromatic hydrocarbon compounds (benzene, toluene, and o-xylene –"BTX") were analysed with a liquid chromatography coupled to electrospray ionisation-mass spectrometry (μHPLC-ESI-MS/MS) method for the simultaneous quantitative detection of the BTX exposure biomarker SPMA, SBMA and o-MBMA in human urine. Urinary S-phenylmercapturic acid (SPMA) is a biomarker proposed by the American Conference of Governmental Industrial Hygienists (ACGIH) for assessing occupational exposure to benzene (Biological Exposure Index of 25 microg/g creatinine). Urinary S-benzylmercapturic (SBMA) and o-methyl S-benzyl mercapturic acid (o-MBMA) are specific toluene and o-xylene metabolites of glutathione detoxicant pathways, proposed as reliable biomarkers of exposure. To this aim a pre-treatment of the urine with solid phase extraction (SPE) and an evaporation step were necessary to concentrate the mercapturic acids before instrumental analysis. A liquid chromatography separation was carried out with a reversed phase capillary column (Synergi 4u Max-RP) using a binary gradient composed of an acquous solution of formic acid 0.07% v/v and methanol. The mercapturic acids were determinated by negative-ion-mass spectrometry and the data were corrected using isotope-labelled analogs as internal standards. The analytical method follows U.S. Food and Drug Administration guidance and was applied to assess exposure to BTX in a group of 396 traffic wardens. The association between biomarker results and individual factors, such as age, sex and tobacco smoke were also investigated. The present work also included improvements in the methods used by modifying various chromatographic parameters and experimental procedures. A partial validation was conducted to evaluate LOD, precision, accuracy, recovery as well as matrix effects. Higher sensitivity will be possible in future biological monitoring programmes, allowing evaluation of very low level of BTX human exposure. Keywords: Human biomonitoring, aromatic hydrocarbons, biomarker of exposure, HPLC-MS/MS.

The organisation of a conference on "Virginia Carini Dainotti and library politics post world war II" has acted as a stimulus to re-exam a period of recent history of the library profession often noted in a rather summary way. The viewpoint taken by myself is that of professional ethics, a sort of mirror in which we find clearly reflected the key problems that librarians and Italian libraries tried to face at that time - particularly in the Sixties - and that are still relevant today.Virginia Carini Dainotti entered, via her writings, into the debate on the big themes of democracy and freedom, and in particular the right to information, choosing the best minds of the left, from Norberto Bobbio to Lelio Basso, as her debating opposites and targets. Another theme that reoccurs in the writings of Carini Dainotti and in the professional literature of those years is that of the librarian as educator.In her theoretical skirmishes Virginia Carini Dainotti remembered that in practice the librarian will always, inevitably be measured by three adversaries, the authority on which he depends, the community in which he works and its own temptations. According to Virginia Carini Dainotti the only point of reference could be professional standards, in particular where they define the criteria for materials selection, what is acceptable and what is not, and set the limits of the librarian's independence in respect to the political authority.In one of her essays she also published a draft proposal for an articulated code of ethics, inspired essentially by the declaration of principles of the American Library Association (Library bill of rights), even if she presented it as a simple suggestion to the Italian Library Association (AIB).Carini Dainotti was uncompromisingly faithful to these ideas, at least from when, at the start of the Fifties, she concentrated her activities on the problems of the public library and the creation of a nation-wide network of librarian services, that later became the National Reading Service (Servizio nazionale di lettura).These themes were brought up very often by Carini Dainotti at the AIB congresses and at government conferences but in reality remained dead issues: only in 1994, more than twenty years later, the question was taken up by the Association and only in October 1997, at the Congress in Naples, the first Librarian's code of ethics was carried with unanimous approval.As for the theory, Carini Dainotti collected documentation, mainly but not exclusively from the United States, and also reflections on problems such as how to reconcile the freedom of the reader with the selection of books entrusted to the librarian. Emphasis was placed on the refuse of labelling pratices - a problem we have today as well if one considers the debate on rating Internet resources.One of the many merits of the works of Virginia Carini Dainotti is definitely the fact that she tried with all her might to introduce into Italy not only the concept but also the actual expression public library, to denote a library designed to meet the information needs of all members of the community and not, as was usual in Italy, a learned library formally open to all adults. She often argued against the division of libraries and librarians by the governing administrations rather than by the functions of the institutions.The last point of reference to emphasize is the decidedly supranational dimension of the profession. If sometimes the abrupt Americanism of Virginia Carini Dainotti, for example in the debate at the AIB congresses on the question of cataloguing, may seem irritating, one need only remember and acknowledge that on the relevant issues mentioned here there existed at an international level and in more advanced countries a body of practical accomplishment and an acquisition of principles that in our country barely existed.Her interventions constant calls for Italy to remain attached to Unesco and IFLA statements, and therefore to the need to respect and spread in our country the international principles of library policy and library organisation.However, a break in Italian librarianship in the course of the Sixties lead to a certain isolation from the international professional community, after all the efforts made above all in the years immediately preceding and that are generally associated to the name of Renato Pagetti, president of the Italian Library Association.The accounts of the discussions of these themes, often very lively, that cover the second half of the Sixties and the early Seventies are often despairingly provincial and inaccurate. Another characteristic is the lack of a sense of the quantitative dimensions of the problem of public libraries and more generally the lack of a scientific attitude to facts, as regards both planning and evaluation.In the Seventies there was a strong generational and ideological break between Italian librarians. However, the real turning point in the life of the Italian Library Association is to be seen in 1969, with the election of Renato Pagetti. On the other hand, in the actual development of public libraries in the Seventies, due to a political and social push that also involved the local administrations and a new generation of librarians, it is difficult to see original professional contributions. The weak attempts to elaborate a new conception of the public library or new models of service seemed to dry up in a rather vacuous ideological debate on one side and in traditional practices on the other.

Lo scritto sottolinea l'importanza della distinzione fra il rifiuto dei trattamenti, che per il medico implica un accompagnamento di tipo palliativo, e l'intenzione di uccidersi e di aiutare a tal fine, che non è un atto terapeutico, secondo i codici deontologici di tutto il mondo e le società mediche scientifiche internazionali, inclusa la World Medical Association (Declaration on euthanasia). L'ordinanza 207/2018 della Corte costituzionale trascura però questa distinzione, allorché ritiene che in entrambi i casi il soggetto sarebbe intenzionato a «porre fine alla propria esistenza». Se il discrimen è nell'intenzione di uccidere, ne discende che l'art. 580 c.p. può interpretarsi nel senso che è incriminabile colui che, con il proprio comportamento, intenzionalmente contribuisce a determinare o a rafforzare il proposito o ad agevolare in qualunque modo l'esecuzione del suicidio altrui. Ragionevole è dunque l'ipotesi di una sentenza interpretativa di rigetto, quale epilogo della questione di costituzionalità concernente l'art. 580 c.p. Desta preoccupazione, poi, che una Corte possa privare un Parlamento dell'ampio margine di apprezzamento di cui godono, in riferimento all'art. 2 CEDU e al fine vita, tutti gli Stati aderenti, nel valutare se e come introdurre una disciplina sul suicidio medicalmente assistito. Radicalmente in contrasto con i fondamenti costituzionali appaiono poi il presunto dovere di uccidere (posto il carattere pretensivo del diritto di morire), il concetto di dignità umana intesa in senso individualistico, e le derive cui invariabilmente conduce la legalizzazione, come mostra l'esperienza del Benelux, dove l'eutanasia, in principio ammessa in casi estremi, è divenuta routine e, sganciata dallo stesso principio di autodeterminazione, è praticata a bambini, neonati e malatici psichici. ; The paper underlines the importance of the distinction between the right to refuse treatment, which for the doctor implies palliative care (and not help to kill), and the intention to commit suicide and to receive assistance in suicide, which is not a medical act, according to the medical codes of practice all over the world and international scientific medical societies, including the World Medical Association (Declaration on euthanasia). However, the Order 207/2018 of the Constitutional Court neglects this distinction, when it believes that both practices involve the intention to "put an end to the existence". If the focus is on the intent to kill, it follows that art. 580 Italian Penal Code can be interpreted in the sense that it is guilty (only) the person who, with his or her own behavior, intentionally contributes to advise or to reinforce the purpose or to aid in any way another to commit suicide. Reasonable is therefore the hypothesis of an interpretative judgment of dismissal, as an epilogue of the question of unconstitutionality concerning art. 580 c.p. It is also problematic that a Court may deprive a Parliament of the wide margin of appreciation that, with reference to Article 2 of the ECHR and end of life issues, Contracting Parties enjoy, in assessing whether and how to introduce physician-assisted suicide. Radically in contrast with the constitutional principles appear the individualistic concept of human dignity, the presumed duty to kill (given the pretensive nature of the right to die) and the tendencies invariably led by legalization, as shown by the experience of the Benelux, where euthanasia, initially admitted in extreme cases, has become routine and, detached from the same principle of self-determination, is practiced to children, newborns and mental ills.