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The history of stimulants and pleasurable ceremonies in Ukraine of early modern times has hardly been investigated. This article provides an overview of tea, coffee, and wine culture among representatives of the eighteenth-century church elite in the Kyiv Metropoly (subsumed as a synodal entity by the Russian Orthodox Church since 1686). The favour accorded these beverages is indicated in inventories of goods belonging to members of this social micro-group that list virtually an entire spectrum of accoutrements, locally made as well as imported (including table services from China and Germany). Although wine and coffee were already consumed in Ukrainian territories, the clergy's passion for various kinds of tea was sparked only around 1730, when it took consumers by storm throughout the Russian Empire. As medicinal ingredients, all three beverages were also mentioned in medical guides that were used in the Hetmanate at that time. Given that their cost, especially that of tea, was beyond what most could afford, drinking tea, coffee, and expensive wine became a mark of high status. Representatives of the church elite in Russian-ruled Ukraine were able to participated indirectly in the contemporary tea, coffee, and wine culture thanks to their education. In the eighteenth century, being educated assured clerics of a successful career. By the same token, rising to the higher ecclesiastical ranks prompted changes in their day-to-day habits and provided them material possibilities to conform to high-status consumption behaviours.

Das Baugewerbe, das die Finanz- und Wirtschaftskrise vergleichsweise glimpflich überstanden hat, profitiert zusehends vom gesamtwirtschaftlichen Aufschwung. Im Jahr 2010 haben knapp 40% der ostdeutschen Bauunternehmen ihre Produktion ausweiten können; reichlich ein Viertel sogar um mehr als 5%. Knapp einem Viertel gelang es, sie stabil zu halten. Die vor Jahresfrist geäußerten Erwartungen der Unternehmen über die Dynamik der Bauleistungen sind damit weit übertroffen worden. Ursprünglich war nur ein Viertel von Umsatzzuwächsen und ein Drittel von gleichbleibenden Umsätzen ausgegangen. Am kräftigsten wurden die Aussichten im Ausbaugewerbe überschritten. Statt wie von 26% der Unternehmen anvisiert, berichten 46% von höheren Umsätzen im Vergleich zum Krisenjahr 2009. Hier zeigt sich auch, dass die Baumaßnahmen aus den Konjunkturpaketen der Bundesregierung mit der starken Fokussierung auf energetische Sanierung zu einem großen Teil dem Ausbaubereich zugutegekommen sind. Zugleich profitierte der Ausbau von der Erholung im Wohnungsbau, die sich in Ostdeutschland bei schrumpfender Bevölkerung stärker in werterhöhenden Baumaßnahmen widerspiegelt. Im Ergebnis erwiesen sich die Ertragsverhältnisse unter allen Sparten nur im Ausbaugewerbe als überwiegend positiv.

This contribution deals with the situation of apprentices and young workers in the field of the so called FDJ-initiative microelectronic of the GDR. The youth organization "Freie Deutsche Jugend" (FDJ) (Free German Youth) where young workers were organized was the third most important mass organization of the SED in factories after the party and union organizations.

In the archives of communist dictatorships documents were only handed over that were deemed worthwhile in the eyes of the potentates. Whatever did not fit the official image was either not collected, fell victim to valuation, was sent to secret storage, or was eliminated. However, not everything was destroyed; many such documents were ultimately collected by the MfS (GDR ministry of state security). This article illustrates the conditions regarding scientific research access to the GDR opposition documents at the Stasi-Document-Agency as well as to the archives of the civil rights movement.

THE SUMMER OF 1989 MARKED THE BEGINNING OF THE END OF THE GERMAN DEMOCRATIC REPUBLIC (GDR). THE REVOLUTION PROCESS THAT SPELLED THE DEMISE OF THE GDR CAME TO BE KNOWN AS THE "WENDE" (THE CHANGE). THIS ARTICLE ADDRESSES THE REVOLUTIONARY PROCESS IN THE GDR--THE POLITICAL ROLES PLAYED BY THE WORKING CLASS DURING THE WENDE, AND THE LIGHT THAT THE SOCIALIST LABOR PROCESS SHED ON WORKERS' POLITICAL CHOICES DURING THIS CRISIS. IT SHOWS HOW THE SOCIALIST LABOR PROCESS CAN HELP TO ACCOUNT FOR A TRIPARTITE PATTERN OF WORKING-CLASS POLITICS.