Suchergebnisse

Rüstungskontrolle kann ihre Bedeutung als sicherheitsbildendes Instrument nur dann bewahren, wenn sie sich angesichts der gewandelten sicherheits- und militärpolitischen Rahmenbedingungen weiterentwickelt. Die wichtigste Herausforderung in diesem Zusammenhang stellt die "Revolution in Military Affairs" (RMA) mit ihrer Entwicklungsdynamik auf militärtechnologischem, organisatorischem und strategischem Gebiet dar, wie sie in Afghanistan und im Irak bereits umgesetzt worden ist. Die RMA reflektiert zwar technologische Entwicklungstrends, ist im Kern jedoch ein Ergebnis politischer Zielsetzungen. Die RMA soll die militärische Überlegenheit der USA sicher stellen, der Vielfalt neuer Bedrohungen global begegnen und eine Antwort auf die gewandelte Struktur des internationalen Systems geben. Gleichzeitig produziert die RMA neue sicherheitspolitische Probleme und wirkt sich direkt auf die Effektivität der bestehenden Rüstungskontrollarchitektur sowie auf den Erfolg künftiger Regelungen aus. Daraus resultiert die Notwendigkeit einer Einhegung der RMA. Hierzu müssten sich die Bezugsgrößen der Rüstungskontrolle ändern. Zumindest für die USA steht allerdings eine an gemeinsamer Sicherheit orientierte Steuerung von Rüstung gegenwärtig nicht mehr auf der Tagesordnung. (ICE2)

A critical analysis of cosmopolitan ideals argues that the development of civilized & non-humiliating international institutions requires an emphasis on global decency. A "decent" society is defined as one whose institutions do not humiliate people. The notion of a decent society is said to be guided by political realism & a sense of urgency. Although it is more important to have a just society, it is not as urgent as achieving a decent society. Stressing the behavior of institutions rather than personal relations distinguishes a decent society from a civilized society. Depending on the prior creation of a world-state is not the way to either stop institutional humiliation or establish a decent society. Rather, there is a need for international interventions aimed at ending cruelty & the humiliation of persons & national minorities. Although decolonization promoted non-intervention in the "internal affairs" of independent sates, it is argued that international intervention carried out on a case-by-case basis to prevent cruelty & humiliation must be considered a prime political priority. J. Lindroth

Considers the possibility of a third major transformation in sociocultural evolution that will bring more sustainable future societies. The agricultural & industrial revolutions are briefly described, noting the destabilization associated with the latter paradigm. A third major revolution is said to be fomenting, & it is argued that greater knowledge of the involved dynamics ought to guide policy choices along a route where the harshest effects of sociocultural change are ameliorated. The roots of sustainability are traced to the combined impact of the global population explosion, industrial expansion, & rapid rise in raw materials demand in the 1960s-1970s, which elicited a response from science. Sustainability is best viewed as a dynamic process linked to a shift from materialist & environmentally degrading industrial to postindustrial & postmaterialist societies, & the sustainability problematique is argued to be a two-sided amalgamation of environmental, economic, social, & political paradoxes related to the waning of industrial society & the rise of a sustainable way of life. In noting the difficult character of such a process, three sets of factors working to destabilize & transform the current environmentally destructive world economy are delineated: widespread recognition of growth limits, demographic change, & emerging postindustrial technologies. In addition, problems & conflicts concomitant with any shift toward sustainable society are elaborated, eg, how to define & measure progress. Sustainable transportation is briefly looked at, focusing on the unsustainable nature of the internal combustion engine & private automobile. J. Zendejas

This kickoff contribution argues that new conceptions of global citizenship are needed today and that new digital technologies might make them viable. Blockchain technology could provide, first, every person with a unique and internationally recognized and self-sovereign legal persona that could also serve to provide individuals globally with an equal voice in international affairs. Second, blockchain technology also permits individuals or international organisations to form cloud communities in cyberspace whose aim is political decision-making and in which individuals take part in a process of governance and the creation of law.

Offers the apparent North American consensus on the analysis of international political economy, highlighting the empirical hotspots that have captured the most attention & some that require a bit more consideration. The areas of international trade, monetary relations, & foreign direct investment are scrutinized to define the research limits of international political economy in terms of empirical puzzles & a theoretical agenda. Some research strands are organized around concepts, eg, international cooperation, rather than specific areas; the need for more nuanced & measurable outcomes for these analyses is cited. The domestic politics of foreign economic policy is examined, noting that the heart of the domestic-international link lies in the reciprocal impact of domestic institutions & interests on international interaction. Attention turns to the international level of analysis targeting the strategic interactions of national states with respect to economic affairs & the role of international institutions in setting the tone of international economic relationships. The narrow range of analytical & empirical problems tackled by the extant literature is cited, & it is contended that theorizing the integration of the domestic & international levels of analysis is a key pursuit. J. Zendejas

"The article tackles the question of the weaknesses and strengths of Europe as an actor in the 21st century. Which kind of power and influence can the European Union muster to implement its values and interests in a fundamentally changed international system? During the 18th and 19th century, European states have been the 'masters of the world'. Two World Wars reduced this position to a junior partnership of the United States but at the same time the weakness of Europe forced more and more states to unite in a supranational organization to protect their interests and to further play a certain role in world politics. Since the end of the Cold War, Europe's 'benign hegemon' USA is hardly interested in the European continent and signals that the European Union has to care for the security in her own backyard more or less on its own. The economies of both sides of the Atlantic are oriented towards Asia. The 21st century will see a multilateral world with new powers rising rapidly, with China in the forefront, India and others following suit. While the USA will stay as a predominant power for the foreseeable future, Russia strives for a comeback as a world power. The EU depends on Russian energy and on American support in questions of hard power. Its problem: it has not the coherent and swift decisionmaking system of a nation state and it is still not able to speak with one voice in world affairs. The EU has important means of soft and - increasingly - hard power to make its interests heard and to shape world politics. However, more integration will be needed in foreign policy and foreign security matters as well as in the economic sphere to pool the substantial forces of Europe. The EU has not the choice of being one of the poles in world politics, it is obliged to - otherwise the 'European Way of life' with its values, its wealth is endangered." (author's abstract)

Die Verschmelzung technologischer, geopolitischer und ideologischer Ambitionen befördert Spannungen in Internet Governance-Diskursen, Cyber­diplomatie, technischer Standardsetzung und der globalen Konnektivitätsinfrastruktur. Die Bundesregierung hat die Unterstützung einer globalen, offenen und sicheren digitalen Vernetzung zu einem wichtigen Bestandteil ihrer Außenpolitik erklärt. Sie hat jedoch bisher die Ausarbeitung einer entsprechenden internationalen Technologieagenda noch nicht zu einer strategischen Priorität gemacht. Um eine globale Technologieordnung zu schaffen, die die Interessen Deutschlands als Hightech-Vorreiter, globalisierte Volkswirtschaft und liberale Demokratie widerspiegelt, sollte sich die Bundesregierung darauf konzentrieren, Synergien mit der internationalen Digitalpolitik der EU auszuschöpfen, die Kooperation mit gleichgesinnten Partnern zu stärken und sich mit dem Globalen Süden für eine in-klusive und demokratische globale digitale Agenda einzusetzen.

The present article analyzes the world order in the past, present and future as well as the main factors, foundations and ideas underlying the maintaining and change of the international and global order. The first two sections investigate the evolution of the world order starting from the ancient times up to the late twentieth century. The third section analyzes the origin and decline of the world order based on the American hegemony. The authors reveal the contradictions of the current unipolar world and explain in what way globalization has become more profitable for the developing countries but not for the developed ones. The authors also explain the strengthening belief that the US leading status will in-evitably weaken. In this connection we discuss the alternatives of the American strategy and the possibility of the renaissance of the American leadership. The last section presents a factor analysis which allows stating that the world is shifting toward a new balance of power and is likely to become the world with-out a leader. The new world order will consist of a number of large blocks, coa-litions and countries acting within a framework of rules and mutual responsi-bility. However, the transition to a new world order will take certain time (about two decades). This period, which we denote as the epoch of new coali-tions, will involve a reconfiguration of the World System and bring an increas-ing turbulence and conflict intensity.

"Verschiedene Ansätze zur Energiesicherheit, wie strategische/ geopolitische Faktoren oder die regulierenden Kräfte des Marktes, sollten nicht als sich gegenseitig ausschließend betrachtet werden, sondern vielmehr als komplementäre Strategien." (Autorenreferat)