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Young people, sustainable tourism and ocean affairs are in focus under Iceland's Presidency of the Nordic Council of Ministers in 2019. Nordic emphases on gender equality, digitalisation and sustainable development are incorporated into the Presidency projects, together with the UN Global Goals. The theme of the Presidency refers to the Nordic countries' friendship, as it is manifest in mobility and strong mutual co-operation. They also share common paths to the rest of the world, where the Nordic countries present themselves jointly and make their contribution to international co-operation for peace, security and environmental protection. The common paths of the future lie through the digital world. There is deep-rooted respect for the principles of democracy and rule of law in the Nordic countries. We are determined to continue to be peaceful and diverse welfare societies, where culture and education flourish, and everyone is entitled to enjoy life's opportunities. Societies where innovation goes hand-in-hand with the interests of nature, employment and a vital economy. Nordic co-operation has shown that it is better to build bridges than walls. There is nothing old-fashioned about co-operation, friendship and respect. These basic Nordic values are always at the forefront.

The term science diplomacy has gained increasing attention both within academia and in the political agenda setting in recent years. In some cases, it has turned into a reference label when discussing the interaction between science and international affairs. The S4D4C project (Using Science for/in Diplomacy for Addressing Global Challenges) specifically wants to investigate how this interplay acts out on the European level and how European science diplomacy could be strengthened. Yet, from an analytical point of view, it still remains an open question what exactly the term denotes, how it is defined and conceptualized. Particularly, it seems to be both informed by an academic as well as by a political interests. This could compromise the analytical capacity of science diplomacy as a concept. This "state of the art report" examines these questions and provides a literature overview on the discussion and findings of the debate of EU science diplomacy. In doing that, we distinguish between science diplomacy as a discourse and existing activities and structures that could be potentially considered as science diplomacy but do not need to be. ; see https://www.s4d4c.eu/s4d4cs-state-of-the-art-report-on-science-diplomacy/

In the years following the global financial crisis, the tax affairs of celebrities began to receive significant critical attention in the UK press. 'Tax shaming' has been welcomed as a significant weapon in the fight for tax justice: it is argued that in lieu of the government action needed to close loopholes in tax law, the threat of public condemnation serves to deter would-be tax avoiders. Focusing on news stories about celebrity tax avoiders, this article complicates this prevailing view of tax shaming. Drawing on cultural studies and cultural economy approaches, I argue that commentators have overlooked the forms of identification that tax shaming stories afford. Through a discussion of the discursive figure of the beleaguered 'taxpayer' in neoliberal culture, I propose that celebrity tax shaming consolidates identification with this subject position, deepening anti-tax sentiment. Stories that ostensibly 'shame' celebrities also support identification with the figure of the tax avoider, perpetuating fantasies of avoidance, evasion and escape. The article concludes that tax shaming contributes to the formation of emergent taxation imaginaries, animating politically salient conceptions of the 'taxpayer' and of avoidance that tend to promote logics of tax efficiency and minimization.

The Global Financial Crisis presented the media with numerous opportunities to tell dramatic business-based stories. However, the relationship between commercial news and the corporate world is often thought to be deferential, where advertisers wield influence over journalists who are reluctant to criticise those indirectly funding them. Because of these models of capitalist power dynamics, it is often assumed that journalists will take a gentle line when reporting the affairs of advertisers. However, such a normative ideal is essential in an era when evidence suggests that capitalism has not produced any "trickle-down" benefits for ordinary people. By taking a multimodal approach including semiotic and critical discourse analysis, this paper examines the broadcaster–advertiser relationship between ITV and Barclays PLC. Using a critical realist framework, the paper finds that in contrast to well-established theories that advertisers shape and influence business news, post-financial crisis, the United Kingdom's largest commercial broadcaster adopted a combative role towards a key contributor to their funding. In comparison, the nation's main public service broadcaster—the BBC—was less probing. The paper therefore challenges any simplistic correlation between advertising and news output while also arguing that a political economy perspective remains relevant in today's commercial news landscape.

Does the regional environment shape a state's international socialization and, thus, its perception on external affairs? If this is the case, how does such a process happen and what are the consequences for a state's global foreign policy? We tackle both questions by elaborating an analytical framework that accounts for spatial-temporal interactions in foreign policy. We accomplish such a task by reporting the preliminary findings of a comparison of Brazil's and India's views on the Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT). Through the method of difference, we conclude that those emerging powers' approaches to the NPT derive from the regional dynamic of power in which they are embedded. Brazil solved sensitive security issues in South America with its main regional rival, Argentina, institutionalizing regional relationships in the 1990s, whereas India continued to face enduring tensions in South Asia with its neighbors, particularly Pakistan. Brazilian policymakers thus perceived the post-Cold War international society through more benign lenses than their Indian counterparts, having signed the NPT in 1998. In that same year, India became a nuclear power. Other issue-areas — namely the environment, human rights, and trade — shall be analyzed in the future using the same framework.

What is the relationship between the direction and form of an energy transition and the political economy within which it is embedded? This paper explores how the nature of (low carbon) energy transitions is strongly influenced by the process of neoliberalisation that shape energy policy in the South. We seek to understand emergent energy transitions and to advance their theorisation through an account of the political economy of energy transition in Kenya. In contrast to the often techno-managerial orientation of literatures on socio-technical transitions, we explore the political terrain upon which competing visions of energy futures and material interests collide and seek to accommodate one another. We develop a political economy account that emphasises the structural and disciplinary power of capital and global institutions to set the terms of transition. This expresses itself in both delimiting the autonomy of state actors and by reconfiguring domestic institutional and social power in ways that shape the distributional politics of transitions. ; Funding for this research from the Climate and Development Knowledge Network (CDKN) is gratefully acknowledged. CDKN is funded by the UK Department for International Development (DfID) and the Dutch Ministry of Foreign Affairs (DGIS). Open Access to this article has been funded by King's College London.

The paper presents an analytical review of the conference held in the All-Russian State Library for Foreign Literature (November, 2014). It deals with deep historical and socio-cultural roots of the present-day religious dynamics of India, including its main political implications. The wide methodological principle of correlation between India's socio-cultural background and the current state of affairs in Hinduism is denoted as Indo-logics. The paper also deals with bilateral processes of internal consolidation of Hinduism within the Republic of India as well as of the gradual transformation process of Hinduism into one of the biggest religions on international scale. Both sides of these phenomena are analyzed in connection with ambivalent processes of the Indian inner modernization during the 19th-21st centuries, and also with general global socio-economic and intellectual trends of the current history, including mass migrations, the expansion of mass media, deep crisis of the present-day semi-industrial modes of school and university education, etc. The article draws special attention to problems of Indian subaltern strata in the present-day Indian religious dynamics, including the "neo-Buddhist renaissance" and Christian conversions among Indian "untouchables".

The objective of this article is to find out whether strong regional bloc integration of both the European Union (EU) and the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) will lead to "stumbling stones" or "building blocks" steps in the signing of the long-awaited EU-GCC free trade area agreement (EU-GCC FTA). A qualitative International Political Economy (IPE) comparison between the two blocs is discussed and summarized in a SWOT (strengths, weaknesses, opportunities, threats) analysis framework. Results show that the Marxist school of thought is the most realistic of all schools in terms of explaining economic regional integration and international FTAs. For the GCC, the potential outcomes of an EU-GCC FTA mean an increase in trade creation, economic welfare, and a fulfillment of economic desires. For the EU, the FTA will lead to EU trade diversion and a mild increase in economic welfare; however, it will allow the EU to fulfill its self-interest in maintaining running its global position in world affairs. The EU should outweigh its benefits toward this FTA, understand the strong competitive advantage found in the GCC countries, and try to cooperate with the GCC in an equal way, supporting developing countries and avoiding the unfair effects of external yet influencing factors that affect such a relationship.

This article offers a sustained examination of how the vicissitudes of the Cold War shaped changing interpretations of the Spanish Civil War in Britain. Considering the perspectives of participants and historians, it focuses on the diverse strands of the Left that frequently drew on the civil war to attack each other and to make wider arguments about the global Cold War. First, with the aim of criticizing Communist take-overs in Eastern Europe in the late 1940s, the article analyzes retrospective assaults on Communist party tactics and Soviet foreign policy in Spain. Second, in order to argue that the Soviet Union took a counter-revolutionary line after 1956, it investigates the re-emergence of debates over the Spanish revolution. Third, to express disapproval of the United States, it examines the increasing use of the civil war as an analogy in Cold War international affairs from the 1960s. Fourth, in support of non-Soviet Left-of-Centre collaboration, most notably Eurocommunism in the 1970s and opposition to Margaret Thatcher's Conservative government in the 1980s, it considers the renewed emphasis on the popular front. The trajectories of these debates reveal that, over time, the weight of the Left's criticism moved from the Soviet Union towards the United States.

Attacks on health workers, clinics, hospitals, ambulances and patients during periods of armed conflict or civil disturbance pose enormous challenges to humanitarian response and constitute affronts to the imperatives of human rights and civilian protection. Violence inflicted on humanitarian aid workers is gaining the global attention it warrants. While the number of attacks on aid workers has decreased in recent years, in a handful of places, notably Sudan, Afghanistan, and Somalia, they have become more spectacular and frightening, with aid agencies targeted for kidnapping and subjected to use of explosives because of their perceived affiliation with Western governments. The assaults have galvanised the humanitarian aid community to track attacks and to engage in intensive and sophisticated discussion of means to increase operational security. After worldwide consultation, in 2011 the United Nations (UN) Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA) issued a report that summarised the fruits of experience and stimulated consideration of security strategies for aid providers. By contrast, however, until very recently the far larger number of incidents of violence inflicted on and interference with indigenous health services and on international and local development agencies by state and armed groups has received comparatively little attention. Adapted from the source document.

Abstract

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Attacks on health workers, clinics, hospitals, ambulances and patients during periods of armed conflict or civil disturbance pose enormous challenges to humanitarian response and constitute affronts to the imperatives of human rights and civilian protection. Violence inflicted on humanitarian aid workers is gaining the global attention it warrants. While the number of attacks on aid workers has decreased in recent years, in a handful of places, notably Sudan, Afghanistan, and Somalia, they have become more spectacular and frightening, with aid agencies targeted for kidnapping and subjected to use of explosives because of their perceived affiliation with Western governments. The assaults have galvanised the humanitarian aid community to track attacks and to engage in intensive and sophisticated discussion of means to increase operational security. After worldwide consultation, in 2011 the United Nations (UN) Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA) issued a report that summarised the fruits of experience and stimulated consideration of security strategies for aid providers. By contrast, however, until very recently the far larger number of incidents of violence inflicted on and interference with indigenous health services and on international and local development agencies by state and armed groups has received comparatively little attention.

In recent issues of Perspectives, we have sought to highlight the themes of inequality, exclusion, and the challenges facing democratic politics. We have done this because these themes resound throughout the current political world. Economist and Nobel laureate Joseph Stiglitz nicely summed up this state of affairs in a November 4, 2011 column circulated by Project Syndicate: "The protest movement that began in Tunisia in January, subsequently spreading to Egypt, and then to Spain, has now become global, with the protests engulfing Wall Street and cities across America. Globalization and modern technology now enable social movements to transcend borders as rapidly as ideas can. And social protest has found fertile ground everywhere: a sense that the 'system' has failed, and the conviction that even in a democracy, the electoral process will not set things right—at least not without strong pressure from the street." The Occupy movement that spread like wildfire throughout the US, and that asserted itself on some major US university campuses, is simply the latest iteration of this diffusion of protest in which young people from Athens and Madrid to Cairo and Damascus seem to be playing a crucial role.

Данная статья посвящена рассмотрению позиций ЮАР по ключевым проблемам глобального управления. Исходя из особенностей, присущих ЮАР на современном этапе ее развития, и позиций руководства страны в отношении существующих проблем глобального управления, наиболее актуальными для нее представляются пункты повестки дня «двадцатки», касающиеся реформы международных финансовых институтов, структурных реформ, а также содействия международному развитию. Исследование выполнено в рамках проекта Российского совета по международным делам и ИМОМС НИУ ВШЭ «Повышение эффективности участия России в Группе двадцати, Группе восьми и БРИКС». ; The article analyses the South Africa Republic's positions on key global governance issues. The analysis has been carried out on the basis of G20 documents and data from national sources (laws, national programs, leaders' statements etc). Given the priorities of South Africa's development and the government's stance on major international issues, the G20 agenda issues that appear to be of high importance to South Africa are: international financial institutions' reform, international development assistance, and structural reforms. The study is implemented within the project of the Russian International Affairs Council and International Organizations Research Institute National Research University Higher School of Economics Enhancing Effectiveness of Russia's Participation in G20, G8 and BRICS.

In this study, I examine how Jews in the United States, Western Europe, and Israel reacted to the Slansky Affair, the Doctors' Plot, and the general wave of overt Soviet antisemitism which took shape in late 1952 until Stalin's death in early March 1953. I explore how the Holocaust, the creation of a Jewish state, and the Cold War affected Jewish conceptions of antisemitism as well as the nature and character of Jewish collective action on both the global and the domestic stage. After investigating the ways in which Jews understood and reacted to the trial culturally, religiously, organizationally, nationally, and politically, I assert that in the early 1950s, Jews were in a process of redefinition. The role of Israel in diasporic Jewish affairs, the relationship between Jews and the Left, the position of Jews in the Cold War, and the nature and character of Jewish central leadership figured prominently in the lives of individual Jews and Jewish communities in the years immediately following the end of the Second World War. This is not an investigation of the Slansky Trial itself. Rather, through examining how Jews understood and made sense of the Trial, I construct a narrative of Jewish identity politics in the early 1950s.