Suchergebnisse

El presente artículo propone enfocar la contracción del papel económico de los gobiernos nacionales en favor de los mercados, uno de los aspectos más evidentes de una evolución aún en camino, teniendo en cuenta el debate más general sobre las interacciones entre globalización y crisis del Estado nacional. La transformación cualitativa y debido a muchos factores de la economía mundial ha producido una comprensión de la soberanía que pone interesantes dudas acerca del futuro del Estado nacional, relacionado a la evolución de la sociedad civil globalizada. Entre las causas de estos cambios hay que mencionar las innovaciones tecnológicas, las definiciones de una nueva dimensión del capital financiero que incluya los términos de las transacciones y las estrategias de los operadores del sector, que afectan a los modelos de gestión de las instituciones públicas, la internacionalización y la multinacionalización del mercado y de las empresas. La gobernanza global, es decir la necesidad de "gobernar" la globalización a través de la introducción de relaciones más estables y eficientes entre los Estados nacionales, parece al autor la mejor opción en el ámbito de las relaciones internacionales y de la protección de los ciudadanos. ; The essay proposes itself, mantaining the most general terms of the debate about the interactions between globalization and Nation-State crysis, as a focus on one of the most evident aspects in an evolutive process still ongoing: the resize of the economic role played by national governments for the benefit of the markets. The change in terms of quality of the global economy forced by an happening of many factors like technological innovation, the definition of a new dimension of the financial capital in which the terms of transactions and strategies of the operators strongly influence the management models of the government, the internationalization and the multinationalization of markets and companies, has created at the same time a compression of that sovereignty which asks some interesting questions about the future of the Nation-State, also in relation to the evolution of global society. The "global governance", that is, the need to rule the globalization by starting more stable and more efficient bridging forms between Nation-States, seems to be, to the author, the best answer in terms of international relations and protection of citizens. ; peerReviewed

In this article, the author describes and supports with evidence the three global issues that require the most urgent solution. Then he explains the challenges in governance that it is necessary to overcome for the solution of such problems. After describing the contemporary trends in global governance, the article proposes some ways to strengthen it while citizenship and democracy become mutually strengthened. Lastly, the article warns us on the urgency in the implementation of such reforms to avoid facing a current or soon apocalypse. ; En este artículo, el autor describe y sustenta los tres problemas globales que requieren solución más urgente. Luego explica los retos en gobernanza que es necesario superar para la solución de tales problemas. Después de describir las tendencias contemporáneas en materia de gobernanza global, el artículo propone unas fórmulas para fortalecerla en las cuales la ciudadanía y la democracia se ven mutuamente fortalecidas. Por último, nos advierte sobre la urgencia de la implementación de tales reformas para evitar enfrentarnos a un apocalipsis actual o simplemente cercano.

El artículo problematiza las premisas ontológicas con las que la gobernanzaglobal —como concepto y como proyecto político— se concibe y cómo estoinstitucionaliza y perpetúa la exclusión a través de violencias encubiertas que habilitanciertas formas de ser y estar en el mundo, entre ellas, procesos de construcción delotro, la aceptación de una manera de conocer la realidad, restringiendo la posibilidadde pensar lo político global por otras vías. A partir de un enfoque crítico que tomaargumentos posestructuralistas y poscolonialistas de las Relaciones Internacionales,se propone que existen alternativas que provienen de cosmovisiones diferentes queno solo pueden utilizarse para abordar los problemas desde otras perspectivas, quedan luces sobre otra forma de pensar la gobernanza global. ; The article problematizes the ontological assumptions under which globalgovernance —as a concept and as a political project— is conceived, and how thisinstitutionalizes and perpetuates the exclusion through covered violences thathabilitate certain forms of being in the world. Among them, the process of constructingthe Other and the acceptance of a determined form of knowing reality, restricting thepossibility of thinking the political in other possible ways. Drawing from InternationalRelations´critical perspectives such as poststructuralism and postcolonialism, someinsights are offered to think of global governance differently.

RESUMEN: El artículo problematiza las premisas ontológicas con las que la gobernanza global —como concepto y como proyecto político— se concibe y cómo esto institucionaliza y perpetúa la exclusión a través de violencias encubiertas que habilitan ciertas formas de ser y estar en el mundo, entre ellas, procesos de construcción del otro, la aceptación de una manera de conocer la realidad, restringiendo la posibilidad de pensar lo político global por otras vías. A partir de un enfoque crítico que toma argumentos posestructuralistas y poscolonialistas de las Relaciones Internacionales, se propone que existen alternativas que provienen de cosmovisiones diferentes que no solo pueden utilizarse para abordar los problemas desde otras perspectivas, que dan luces sobre otra forma de pensar la gobernanza global. ; ABSTRACT: The article problematizes the ontological assumptions under which global governance —as a concept and as a political project— is conceived, and how this institutionalizes and perpetuates the exclusion through covered violences that habilitate certain forms of being in the world. Among them, the process of constructing the Other and the acceptance of a determined form of knowing reality, restricting the possibility of thinking the political in other possible ways. Drawing from International Relations´critical perspectives such as poststructuralism and postcolonialism, some insights are offered to think of global governance differently.

International Relations teeters on the edge of an abyss of irrelevance. As an academic pursuit it has become disparate and fragmented. We have ceased to pursue greater clarity in the way that we understand the world around us; moreover, we have failed as agents of change -that is, as purveyors of opinion and proposals about a better and fairer world order. As such, we no longer serve our students and those practitioners who seek our advice. The text outlines why and how International Relations teeters on the edge of an abyss. It offers a proposal for moving beyond the fragmentation and atomization that afflicts international relations. The third part argues that global governance offers an opportunity to return to these questions. Adapted from the source document.

La actuación de las ciudades como fuerza política eficaz e influyente en la gobernanza global multinivel cobra cada vez más relevancia a partir del nuevo milenio. Una de las manifestaciones del potencial de la ciudad está, por ejemplo, en la provisión de soluciones a problemas locales que pueden ser escalables globalmente, y viceversa. De ahí el oportuno planteamiento de una agenda de investigación más allá de las establecidas por la paradiplomacia y la ciudad global que identifique categorías/variables clave queayuden en la propuesta de trabajos de corte empírico, como puede ser la imagen, la agencia e identidad, tan necesarios para asentar y confirmar los presupuestos en torno a la ciudad en la gobernanza global multinivel. ; The performance of cities as an efficient and influential political force in multilevel global governance is becoming more and more relevant in this millennia; for example, in the provision of solutions to local problems that can be tailored globally, and vice-a-versa. This is one of the manifestations of the potential of cities within global governance, and from there the opportune approach of an agenda of investigation of the context of the city in relation to its role in the global context beyond the Paradiplomacy and the Global City approaches. That in turn implies an identification and analysis of categories of key investigation such as: image, agency, and identity, with the objective to generate not only points of debate, but more importantly a theoretical proposal that later supports the approach of empirical work that is necessary to set and confirm the budgets of the city within the context of multilevel global governance.

Involvement in the project of foreign experts on the "One Belt, One Road" initiative of the Renmin University of China has provided an opportunity to comprehend how and for what purpose information is formed on the initiative of Chinese President Xi Jinping, as well as the role of the mass media in the formation of a positive image of the proposed initiative. The study deals with the information component of the initiative of the People's Republic of China in the framework of the vector focused on the Russian Federation. More than five years have passed since Chinese President Xi Jinping announced in Astana, Kazakhstan a new Chinese initiative called "One Belt, One Road". From the reports of various Chinese agencies, it follows that the initiative of the People's Republic of China is quite successfully implemented in all areas. The forums held in Beijing in 2018 and 2019 showed that the main emphasis was made on the image component of the "One Belt, One Road" concept, which was a demonstration of the increased role of China as an independent center of power. According to some Chinese scientists, China no longer denies its desire to become a leader in the current world order. Moreover, while until recently China has been limited to economic domination, today its influence extends into the (geo) political sphere.

Si entendemos por gobernanza una forma de gobierno que promueve el desarrollo desde una opción pluridimensional y de gestión democrática de políticas que tienen ese objetivo, la Unión Europea sería un ejemplo de gobernanza. Y lo sería en una doble dimensión: la interna y la externa, ya que propone ser un actor civil global. Dentro de su papel como actor internacional ocupa un lugar destacado la política de desarrollo, donde la Unión Europea actúa en consonancia con los Objetivos de Desarrollo Sostenible y la Agenda 2030 para transformar nuestro mundo. Pero el proceso de integración choca con varios obstáculos que ponen en cuestión ese objetivo, por lo que la Unión necesita de un nuevo impulso para hacer frente a los desafíos internos y a escala global. ; The European Union could be an example of governance because its government shears for development on a multidimensional level of democratic politics. And it is in two dimensions: domestic and external. In its role as an international actor, the European Union lines up with the UN 2030 Sustainable Development Goals to transform the world. But in the domestic scope, the European Union faces new obstacles and needs a new impetus to solve them.

El multilateralismo imperante en el actual contexto de las relaciones internacionales revela una heterogeneidad consistente en la existencia de diferentes centros de diálogos y múltiples actores que, cada vez más interdependientes, buscan su propia identidad político-conceptual para enfrentar los desafíos que les son puestos por las global issues. En ese cambiante contexto, constatamos la presencia de ciertos grupos de países que progresivamente reciben un papel destacado ante el nuevo orden mundial, ganando la debida atención de la doctrina, especialmente, aquellos categorizados como Middle Powers, donde se encuentran las Traditional Middle Powers, espacio ocupado por países ricos, democráticos e igualitarios, caracterizadas como good international citizens, por auxiliar en el sostenimiento del orden implantado por las potencias hegemónicas y presentar alto grado de desarrollo político y social (como ejemplo, Australia, Canadá y Japón); y las Emerging Middle Powers, grupo marcado por un gran potencial económico y, paralelamente, por una despreocupación con políticas internas de bienestar, especialmente, por cuenta de un sistema político democrático poco consolidado y una alta tasa de desigualdad, como ejemplo de esas potencias, podemos mencionar los BRICS (Brasil, Rusia, India, China y Sudáfrica). En ese complejo escenario, encontramos un grupo de países, que desapercibido por la teoría política internacional, situáse en un punto intermedio entre las Traditonal y Emerging Middle Powers, por establecer políticas orientadas a la conjugación de crecimiento económico y oferta de buena calidad de vida a la población, lo que puede ser constatado, principalmente, por sus índices muy elevados de desarrollo humano (IDH), demandando así la construcción de una identidad conceptual para atribuirles un perfil político-institucional ante el nuevo orden mundial. ; In the context of international affairs, two group of countries receive a particular attention of the academic and political analysis: Traditional Middle Powers and Emerging Middle Powers. Traditional Middle Powers are represented by rich, democratic and egalitarian countries with a high level of social and political development and considered «good international citizens», as long as they help to preserve the order established by the hegemonic powers (as an example, Australia, Canada, Japan, etc.). The concept of Emerging Middle Powers referee to countries with a great economical performance and projection but unconcerned about welfare policies, specially, because they not present a consolidated democratic political system and an adequate level of social equality, as the case of the BRICS (Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa). In this complex scenery, it is possible to find a group of countries unnoticed by the international political theory, which is located in an intermediate point between Traditional and Emerging Middle Powers. They are characterized by the existence of policies orientated to link economic growth and good quality of life that is reflected in their high level of Human Development (HDI). We evidence the need to construct a conceptual identity for this group of countries to give them a political-institutional profile in the new world order and to establish their role in the international context. ; 93-111

In 2002 a formalized dialogue between the Global Unions and the International Financial Institutions (IFIs) was established. The Global Unions include the International Trade Union Confederation (ITUC), the nine Global Union Federations (GUFs) and the Trade Union Advisory Committee (TUAC) which connects the international trade union movement to the OECD. The IFIs, which are also known as the Bretton-Woods organizations, are made up of the World Bank Group (WBG) and the International Monetary Fund (IMF). The Global Unions took the crisis as an opportunity to further develop the existing dialogue between themselves and the IFIs at the international level and tried to achieve a new position within the changing global governance system. The dialogue with the IFIs can therefore be seen as an instrument of transnational trade union policy which serves to integrate the social dimension within the globalization of financial and labour markets. The dialogue was formalized on the basis of a joint agreement between the Global Unions and the IFIs which was adopted in 2002. The dialogue takes place on three levels: the headquarters-level, the sector level and the national level. The headquarters-level dialogue includes exchange and cooperation at the top administrative level between the IFIs and the Global Unions. Every two years there is a high-level meeting which takes place over a period of two to three days. The high-level meetings are supported by technical meetings and interim meetings which include smaller delegations of the Global Unions and the IFIs. During technical meetings, which normally take place over a period of one or two days, the focus is on very specific issues such as for example pensions or labour market reforms. During interim meetings a relatively small group of trade unionists and representatives of the IFIs regularly follow up the implementation of the commitments from the high-level and technical meetings. The thesis focuses on the analysis of the headquarters-level dialogue and the sector level ...

This article addresses the rise of private authority in contemporary global governance based on the role of global law firms in the management of a specific international regime such as international investment arbitration. The purpose of the research is to demonstrate the presence and influence of private actors in the management of agendas, topics, and global issues, which derives from them being considered as authorities of a private nature. The CIADI arbitrations related to the economic and political crisis of Argentina in the period 1999-2002 are the case study that illustrates the presence of private authority in the conduction of an international regime. ; Este texto trata la emergencia de la autoridad privada en la gobernanza global contemporánea a partir del papel que desempeñan las oficinas globales de abogados en la gestión de un régimen internacional específico como el del arbitraje internacional de inversiones. El objetivo de la investigación es demostrar la presencia e influencia de los actores privados en la administración de agendas, temas y asuntos globales, que se deriva de su consideración como autoridades de naturaleza privada. Los arbitrajes CIADI relacionados con la crisis económica y política de la Argentina en el período 1999-2002 son el caso de estudio que permite ilustrar la presencia de la autoridad privada en la conducción de un régimen internacional.

This article addresses the rise of private authority in contemporary global governance based on the role of global law firms in the management of a specific international regime such as international investment arbitration. The purpose of the research is to demonstrate the presence and influence of private actors in the management of agendas, topics, and global issues, which derives from them being considered as authorities of a private nature. The CIADI arbitrations related to the economic and political crisis of Argentina in the period 1999-2002 are the case study that illustrates the presence of private authority in the conduction of an international regime. ; Este texto trata la emergencia de la autoridad privada en la gobernanza global contemporánea a partir del papel que desempeñan las oficinas globales de abogados en la gestión de un régimen internacional específico como el del arbitraje internacional de inversiones. El objetivo de la investigación es demostrar la presencia e influencia de los actores privados en la administración de agendas, temas y asuntos globales, que se deriva de su consideración como autoridades de naturaleza privada. Los arbitrajes CIADI relacionados con la crisis económica y política de la Argentina en el período 1999-2002 son el caso de estudio que permite ilustrar la presencia de la autoridad privada en la conducción de un régimen internacional.