Recently the impact of climate change has been an increasingly important policy issue to the Indonesian government. It makes serious programs to support the global climate change mitigation action. This article is aimed at analyzing the application of Indonesia's climate change policy. The focus is on crucial problems that constrain its effectiveness both at international and domestic levels. The discussions indicate that Indonesia's multilateral diplomacy to protect the environment is affected by the rise of global power politics as the consequence of the contestation between China and the United States. Meanwhile, internal actions are hindered by the complex social, economic, and cultural barriers. The efficacy of the policy is considerably weakened. To conclude, however, this author tries to offer some potential solutions for strategic planning and policy improvement.
Abstract COVID – 19 is an unprecedented occasion that forces every state to adapt to the current changes in the dynamics of international relations. The impacts that are given by the Pandemic are not only on the health aspects, but also give the spillover effects to some aspects, such as economy and social, as the result of the closed-border policy and the restrictions policy on trading. By that means, the holistic and comprehensive approaches are needed to tackle the pandemic. Furthermore, Global Health Diplomacy is considered as one of the instruments or means to tackle the impacts of it. Notwithstanding, there are some states which implement the Me First Policy, especially at the beginning of the Pandemic. This paper examines Indonesia Foreign Policy through Global Health Diplomacy during COVID – 19 and to analyses the characteristics of the policy, either cooperative or competitive. This paper uses the concept of Global Health Diplomacy by Kickbusch and Told on 21st Century Health Diplomacy: A New Relationship between Foreign Policy and Health, Global Health Diplomacy: The Need for New Perspectives, Strategic Approaches and Skills in Global Health, by Kickbusch, Ilona; Silberschmidt, Gaudenz; Buss, Paulo and the concept of Global Health Diplomacy by Khazatzadeh-Mahani, A., Ruckert, A., & LabontÉ, R Through its Global Health Diplomacy, Indonesia is aiming to implement the policy which are based on the solidarity and cooperativeness. Keywords: COVID – 19, Global Health Diplomacy, Indonesia, Cooperative, Competitive
Global Governance encompasses the world's political activities and the management of issues and phenomena that occurred on a nation-state, involving contributions from regional to the international environment. In the global security sector, there are numerous efforts carried out by a country to counter such external threats that can cause destabilization. Non-proliferation and nuclear developments for peace are such issues of the global defense-security concern. The attempts to control and ensure the use of nuclear has been carried out by enacting international law, resolutions, and multilateral agreements. The Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA) is one kind. Influencing the world's security, politics, and economy, JCPOA began to be disrupted since the U.S. withdrawal as one of the parties that initially signed the agreement. This research aims to analyze The Collapse of Global Governance: When the U.S. Leaves the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA). This research used a qualitative method with analysis based on secondary data, validated by the triangulation technique in this qualitative study. The analytical procedure uses secondary data from journals, media, and literature related to the Iran nuclear agreement and previous analyses discussing the U.S. exit from the JCPOA agreement. The analysis technique performs by arranging the data sequence, organizing the data into a pattern, category, and basic description. This research has found that Global Governance has fundamental weaknesses in its application. Through an analysis of the U.S. exit from the Iran nuclear agreement, it can be said that the reins of control are in the hands of the U.S. The Trump administration's policy on behalf of the U.S. to leave JCPOA to thwart the achievement of Global Governance and significantly affects the multi-national economic, political, and security order. The implementation of Global Governance and the issues also raised based on the interests of the superpowers. ; Global governance meliputi kegiatan politik dunia dan pengelolaan isu dan fenomena yang terjadi pada suatu negara kebangsaan, yang melibatkan kontribusi dari lingkungan regional hingga internasional. Di bidang keamanan global, banyak upaya yang dilakukan oleh suatu negara untuk melawan ancaman eksternal yang dapat menyebabkan destabilisasi. Non-proliferasi dan perkembangan nuklir untuk perdamaian adalah isu-isu yang menjadi perhatian pertahanan-keamanan global. Upaya pengendalian dan penjaminan penggunaan nuklir dilakukan melalui penetapan hukum internasional, resolusi, dan kesepakatan multilateral. The Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA) adalah salah satunya. Mempengaruhi keamanan, politik, dan ekonomi dunia, keberadaan JCPOA mulai terganggu sejak mundurnya Amerika Serikat (AS) sebagai salah satu pihak yang awalnya menandatangani perjanjian. Tujuan penelitian ini adalah untuk menganalisis Runtuhnya Global Governance: Saat Keluarnya AS dari Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA). Penelitian ini menggunakan metode kualitatif dengan analisis berdasarkan data sekunder, divalidasi dengan teknik triangulasi dalam penelitian kualitatif ini. Prosedur analitis menggunakan data sekunder yang diambil dari jurnal, media, dan literatur terkait perjanjian nuklir Iran dan analisis sebelumnya yang membahas keluarnya AS dari perjanjian JCPOA. Teknik analisis dilakukan dengan menyusun urutan data, mengorganisasikan data ke dalam suatu pola, kategori, dan deskripsi dasar. Penelitian ini menemukan bahwa global governance memiliki kelemahan mendasar dalam penerapannya. Melalui analisis keluarnya AS dari perjanjian nuklir Iran, dapat dikatakan bahwa kendali kendali berada di tangan AS. Kebijakan pemerintahan Trump mengatasnamakan AS keluar dari JCPOA untuk menggagalkan pencapaian global governance dan secara signifikan mempengaruhi tatanan ekonomi, politik, dan keamanan multi-nasional. Implementasi global governance dan permasalahannya juga diangkat berdasarkan kepentingan negara adidaya.
The background of this article is the existence of a global pandemic COVID-19 which has an impact in various fields. This article seeks to explore the impact of the COVID-19 global pandemic on information and communications technology (ICT) in the form of digital diplomacy. Exploration is carried out by investigating the case of Indonesian diplomacy at the United Nations (UN) in March, April, and May 2020. The main concept in this article is digital diplomacy. This concept illustrates the use of ICT as a means of diplomacy for state actors and changes at the policy and institutional levels. This article found various digital diplomacy activities from the Permanent Mission of the Republic of Indonesia to the United Nations in New York, United States during the global pandemic COVID-19. These activities include: 1) coordination with Indonesia's Embassy and Consulate General in the United States to protect Indonesian citizens; 2) participation in UN Security Council virtual meeting to discuss international peace and security issues; and 3) participation in other UN bodies virtual meetings to discuss international development issues. This article argues that the impact of the COVID-19 global pandemic in the field of ICT is reflected in Indonesia's digital diplomacy at the United Nations. The global pandemic COVID-19 changed the means and tools used by Indonesian diplomats to gather information, negotiations, and responses on international issues. Even so, Indonesian diplomacy at the UN continues to run optimally.
AbstractThis article argues that MIKTA (Mexico, Indonesia, South Korea, Turkey, and Australia) are middle, regional, and constructive powers that can serve as providers of global governance in the international system. It argues that in order for MIKTA countries to serve as middle, regional, and constructive powers, they need to consolidate the support of all relevant State and non-State actors in their countries, allowing MIKTA to become a relevant mechanism to promote and generate public goods in the international system, specially global governance. Mexico is the second largest economy in Latin America. Mexico is today an actor with global responsibility and obligatory reference. A country with that weight must play in new boards and MIKTA, constituting and innovative alliance with key non-traditional partners, is a strategic space to expand the scope of Mexican foreign policy. Keywords : MIKTA, middle powers, foreign policy, Mexico
This article analyzed the opportunities and challenges of Indonesia maritime diplomacy in the context of the Indian Ocean Rim Association (IORA). As part of the effort to realize the policy of global maritime fulcrum, Indonesia utilizes maritime diplomacy to look for the close cooperation and agreements with IORA member countries. Up to date, Indonesian foreign policy, specifically in the maritime field is tending to be more dominant to the Pacific Ocean rather than the Indian Ocean. Thus, this paper will explain how Indonesia implements its maritime diplomacy within IORA, and what the opportunities and challenges faced by Indonesia inside the association. Using the method of literature study, this descriptive paper uses the concept of maritime diplomacy and global maritime fulcrum in order to explain the study. This paper argues that IORA's strategic policy in maritime security and economic policies, links with Indonesia policy in global maritime fulcrum. Thus, Indonesia uses maritime diplomacy to take the advantages and opportunities to enhance maritime connectivity and cooperation with IORA members. Nevertheless, several issues challenge Indonesia like the increasing of great power states maritime influence such as India and China in the Indian Ocean, as well as challenges in integrating IORA member states.
"Buku ini memuat laporan oleh Asia Competitiveness Institute (ACI) yang diperbaharui setiap tahunnya untuk menganalisis daya saing Indonesia, baik di 33 provinsi maupun di enam wilayah berdasarkan Masterplan Percepatan dan Perluasan Pembangunan Ekonomi Indonesia (MP3EI). Dengan 104 indikator yang meliputi empat lingkup, metodologi studi yang unik menggabungkan kekuatan dan kelemahan komparatif serta menerapkan analisis kausalitas Geweke untuk beberapa indikator terkait. Terlepas dari hasil skor dan peringkat, simulasi kebijakan ""what if"" menawarkan rekomendasi praktis bagi masing-masing provinsi untuk meningkatkan daya saing secara komprehensif serta mempercepat pertumbuhan ekonomi dan pembangunan yang berimbang, adil, dan berkelanjutan. Analisis kualitatif dan kuantitatif melalui proses kolaborasi dengan berbagai pemangku kepentingan memberikan alur yang menarik bagi Indonesia untuk mencapai posisi paling strategis baik dalam konteks regional Asia maupun global. The English version of the book can be found at: 2014 Provincial and Inaugural Regional Competitiveness Analysis: Safeguarding Indonesia's Growth Momentum."--Provided by publisher
The 2007 Indonesian investment law granted national treatment for foreign investors, establishing a transparent 'negative list' for out-of-bonds investment sectors, and has been considired as a reformative regulation in Indonesia's economic strategy. However, decentralized systems give autonomy to local governments to manage their projects and infrastructure themselves. This leads into increasiig investment burdens through their opaque measures that are creating perceptions of risk for foreign investors. As a result, lack of legal certainty, inconsistent regulations and judiciary system would hamter investments. This article argues that law 25/2007 should be supported by a comprehensive investment policy to attract more foreign investors into Indonesia. A key element in establishing a competitive region is a free and open investment regime, This article addresses policy impediment to private investment in Indonesia as well as in the ASEAN region. Indonesia and ASEAN should have non-discriminatory treatment extended to foreign investors including ASEAN-based inveitors, as the establishment of ASEAN Economic community (AEC) will cornmence in 2015. Legal certainty of international business transaction by private investors is fostering investments by both direct investment and indirect investment (portfolio). Parties to investment agreements include individuals, small, medium and large multinational corporations, and countries. In this centralized global atmosphere, the Indonesian agovemment has to provide guarantees to leverage private investments.
The global war on terror has raised debates between liberals and realists on the position of ethics in intelligence operations. On the one hand, liberal ethicists insist that the conduct of intelligence gathering to counter terrorism must not violate the security rights of citizens. On the other hand, proponents of realism consider national security to be of greater importance than ethical principles governing individual freedom. This article tries to present an alternative point of view by examining the consequence of ethical criticisms of intelligence activities on the Indonesian government's counterterrorism measures. It proposes two approaches to understanding the connection between ethics and intelligence: examining the nature of the terror threat, and looking at the sociopolitical situations which affect the role of the state's security agencies. Arguably, securitizing intelligence by enforcing an ethical reconceptualization of intelligence roles increases the challenges facing Indonesia's intelligence operatives and damages the effectiveness of the government's counterterrorism policy.
Using the accounting ecology framework developed by Gernon and Wallace (1995), this study aims to examine the reasons Indonesia adopted the International Financial Reporting Standards (IFRS). Data were extracted from the accounting policy makers' offices based in Indonesia including the DSAK, DPN IAI, and Bapepam-LK. In-depth interviews were conducted and data were then processed via thematic analysis, a method used for identifying, analyzing, and reporting themes/patterns noted in the data (Gray, 1988). Results noted from this study revealed four themes which served as reasons behind Indonesia's adoption of the IFRS. The first reason is that Indonesia was dominated by the desire to serve the interests of global business. The second reason is that Indonesia wanted to act as a social accounting actor as it was now in the position to act as a standard buyer. The third reason is that Indonesia is in the position of swift current globalization. Finally, Indonesia is under the political pressures exerted by foreign parties.
Using the accounting ecology framework developed by Gernon and Wallace (1995), this study aims to examine the reasons Indonesia adopted the International Financial Reporting Standards (IFRS). Data were extracted from the accounting policy makers' offices based in Indonesia including the DSAK, DPN IAI, and Bapepam-LK. In-depth interviews were conducted and data were then processed via thematic analysis, a method used for identifying, analyzing, and reporting themes/patterns noted in the data (Gray, 1988). Results noted from this study revealed four themes which served as reasons behind Indonesia's adoption of the IFRS. The first reason is that Indonesia was dominated by the desire to serve the interests of global business. The second reason is that Indonesia wanted to act as a social accounting actor as it was now in the position to act as a standard buyer. The third reason is that Indonesia is in the position of swift current globalization. Finally, Indonesia is under the political pressures exerted by foreign parties.
Global surveys indicate that massive disillusionment with economic globalisation, upheld by the liberal order, which is ignored by governments in European, Asian and Latin American countries, has paved the way for the ascent of nationalist forces. This trend is also visible in Indonesia. President Joko Widodo (Jokowi) has consolidated power against opponents who exploit nationalist, populist and religious causes. On the international front, Jakarta has been actively engaged within a variety of multilateral organisations where liberal institutionalist agendas are enforced. Therefore, it is worthwhile considering the influence of internal and external environments on Jokowi's economic policy which is getting increasingly nationalistic. This article argues that nationalist economic practices have emerged as the Jokowi government's response to domestic and international challenges which can have an impact on its perceived legitimacy. The discussion proceeds in five steps. To begin, this article presents a comparative perspective to understand the position of Indonesia in the developing international political economic context. This is followed by an overview of the definition of economic nationalism and its connections to domestic politics and foreign relations. The third section is about the Indonesian government's efforts to put economic nationalism into effect. The next two parts investigate how the inside and outside dynamics generate Jokowi's inward-looking policies. The conclusion emphasises what can be learnt from the Indonesian case.
The implementation of simultaneous local elections has been carried out since the 2015 elections. The purpose of the simultaneous local elections is to encourage the formation of strong government. This is based on the assumption that voters will elect their representatives in the executive and legislative branches at once. It is expected that this election design will encourage consolidation between the two representative rooms. Strong consolidation will encourage effective governance and policy making processes. This paper would like to provide an evaluation framework for the simultaneous election implementation from the electoral integrity dimension. It is important to consider the aspect of electoral integrity since the regulated procedures need to be connected with substantial justice in the election. The absence of the consideration of this aspect will lead to the problems of political dynasty, money politics, and violence threat in the implementation of election. This paper attempts to create a framework for evaluating simultaneous regional elections by using the concept of electoral integrity. Elaboration is made on the conception of electoral integrity with adjustments to local political problems in Indonesia. The data in this paper are sourced from journals, reports, and analysis related to the evaluation of simultaneous local elections. This paper shows that there are two important elements which need to be included from the global indicator in relation with electoral integrity, namely: the community participation and money politics, in order to review and evaluate the local election. The contribution of this paper is enriching studies related to the evaluation of elections at the local level, where the dominance of studies in local elections is on issues such as money politics, political dynasties, to the neutrality of ASN. Many of these local political problems have not been framed in a single election evaluation frame. This paper attempts to frame the dynamics of local politics with an evaluative framework adapted from the concept of elections with integrity contextualized to the dynamics of local elections.
The issues of Papua (Both Papua and West Papua Provinces) have been reached by international communities even though the government regulation; Law of the Republic of Indonesia Number 21, Year 2001, concerning Special Autonomy for Papua Province becoming a central issue as a problem solving to make a special treat for people in Papua internally. Whereas, the regulation is expected to make people in Papua develop political, economic, and cultural also resolving the insurgency problems among them. The arrangements of social and political, economy and budget are as a special treatment, only develop economy and infrastructure but it does not solve the conflicts until today. In this case, the Counterinsurgency (COIN) strategic model needs to be implemented following the appropriateness of national policy and the condition in Papua. This research used a content analysis method to reveal the causes of an un-optimal policy in solving the insurgency. Based on the four elements of COIN, only two elements exist; community and state elements. While the international community element and private sectors do not appear on the special autonomy legislation for Papua. As a reason, the COIN model appropriates with the condition of the people that include some elements; government, local community, the non-state, international community, and private sectors. Comparing to the United States of America (USA) model where the community is not included in the COIN element since the community as an object. On the other hand, it is different from China where military and political parties as important elements since the government decisions are supported by military force to solve the insurgency problem. This research found that civil and military cooperation in the model of COIN Papua after special autonomy is reflected by the existence of Local Government Leaders Communication Forum of Papua to face all situations that happened in Papua, both in security and emergency. Active coordination among governors, local legislators, Adat communities (customary), police, and army for COIN strategy needs special coordination to global communities openly that affect opinions on the people and private sector interests in Papua. ; Persoalan Papua (Provinsi Papua dan Papua Barat) telah mengundang komunitas internasional, namun kebijakan Undang-Undang Republik Indonesia Nomor 21 Tahun 2001 Tentang Otonomi Khusus Bagi Provinsi Papua menjadi isu sentral dalam penyelesaian Papua hanya memberi perlakuan khusus terhadap internal masyarakat Papua. Padahal, melalui Undang-undang ini diharapkan dapat memberikan kesempatan kepada masyarakat Papua agar lebih cepat berkembang, baik politik, ekonomi, maupun budaya, disamping itu masalah gerakan insurgency (pemberontakan) juga dapat dituntaskan. Kenyataannya, penataan sosial politik, ekonomi dan anggaran yang bersifat khusus telah diberikan namun hanya mengembangkan perekonomian dan infrastruktur tetapi gerakan untuk memisahkan diri belum berakhir sampai saat ini. Untuk itu perlu suatu model strategi counterinsurgency (COIN) yang tetap sesuai dengan kebijakan nasional dan kondisi masyarakar Papua. Penelitian ini menggunakan metode content analysis untuk mengungkap penyebab kebijakan yang tidak optimal dalam menyelesaikan counterinsurgency. Berdasarkan empat elemen dasar dalam COIN hanya ada dua elemen yang ada, yaitu elemen masyarakat dan negara, sementara elemen komunitas internasional dan sektor privat tidak ditemukan dalam Undang-Undang Otonomi Khusus Papua. Sehingga, model COIN yang sesuai dengan kondisi masyarakat Papua harus memiliki unsur pemerintah, masyarakat lokal, non-state, komunitas internasional, dan sektor privat. Kalau dibandingkan dengan model United States of America (USA) yang memposisikan masyarakat tidak masuk dalam unsur COIN karena masyarakat diletakkan sebagai objek yang menentukan. Beda lagi kalau dibandingkan dengan strategi Cina yang menempatakan militer dan partai politik sebagai elemen penting karena keputusan pemerintah didukung oleh kekuatan militer untuk mengatasi masalah insurgency. Penelitian ini menemukan bahwa kombinasi sipil dan militer dalam model kebijakan COIN Papua Pasca-Otonomi Daerah tercermin dengan adanya Forum Komunikasi Pemimpin Daerah (Forkompimda) Papua dalam menghadapi situasi, baik kondisi aman maupun kondisi darurat. Koordinasikan aktif antara gubernur, legislatif daerah, masyarakat adat, kepolisian, dan militer. Strategi COIN di masa mendatang perlu jalur koordinasi khusus dengan komunitas global secara terbuka yang mempengaruhi opini tentang masyarakat Papua dan kepentingan sektor privat yang cukup kuat di Papua.