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The growing flows of foreign immigrants toward Spain, as well as their characteristics and the diffusion of the phenomenon through the media, have helped to make immigration a matter of great consequence in spanish society. For this reason, the Government and Public Administrations have undertaken the task of elaborating different proposals for action. These have altered with the changes in the migrant phenomenon and in the dominant political direction. Put together these form the so called «Immigration Policy». The article reviews the main actions of the Spanish Government from the year 1985 until the present time, establishing the differences between a policy of control of flows and an integration policy. The first has been profusely developed, but not the second. The actions put into practice, do not have clear definitions of the main aim (integration) or lack sufficient knowledge of the effects of the specific actions. In face of the challenge of designing a coherent integration policy, the article stresses the need to think previously about the way in which this process should be carried out and to count on a solid and reliable methodological tool to help us in this assignment. ; La creciente afluencia de inmigrantes extranjeros hacia España, así como sus características y la difusión del fenómeno a través de los medios de comunicación, ha propiciado que la inmigración se convierta en un asunto de gran relevancia para la sociedad española. Ante ello, el Gobierno y las Administraciones públicas han ido elaborando diferentes propuestas de actuación, las cuales han variado tanto en función de los cambios producidos en el propio fenómeno como de la orientación política dominante. Estas respuestas se engloban en lo que se denomina «Política de inmigración». El artículo repasa las actuaciones principales del Gobierno español desde el año 1985 hasta la actualidad, estableciendo las diferencias entre lo que es una política de control de flujos y una política de integración. Si la primera ha sido profusamente desarrollada, no ocurre lo mismo con la política de integración. Las acciones puestas en marcha en este sentido carecen de definiciones precisas de los propios objetivos a alcanzar (integración) y del conocimiento suficiente de los efectos de las medidas concretas. Ante el reto de abordar y diseñar una política de integración coherente, el artículo pone de relieve la necesidad de reflexionar previamente sobre la manera en que debería llevarse a cabo este proceso, así como la de contar con una herramienta metodológica fiable y sólida que ayude en este cometido

Sumario: This paper examines IMF government spending projections for 181 countries, identifying two main phases: fiscal expansion (2008-2009) and fiscal consolidation (2010 onwards); presents the main adjustment measures considered since 2010 and their adverse socio-economic impacts in both high income and developing countries; analyses divergent trends in social protection across regions, focusing on the positive expansion of social protection floors in a majority of developing countries; reviews potential areas of fiscal space for the necessary extension of social protection systems; and presents the developmental arguments to invest in social protection in pursuit of crisis recovery, inclusive development and social justice

Sumario: This paper examines IMF government spending projections for 181 countries, identifying two main phases: fiscal expansion (2008-2009) and fiscal consolidation (2010 onwards); presents the main adjustment measures considered since 2010 and their adverse socio-economic impacts in both high income and developing countries; analyses divergent trends in social protection across regions, focusing on the positive expansion of social protection floors in a majority of developing countries; reviews potential areas of fiscal space for the necessary extension of social protection systems; and presents the developmental arguments to invest in social protection in pursuit of crisis recovery, inclusive development and social justice

This article presents a review of various academic sources aimed at providing intelectual orientation for a global environmental policy. The text is divided into four sections, the first of which examines the contributions of the un system and the Brundtland Report; the second looks at the initial steps of conceptual understanding in the field; the third analyzes the dynamics between green politics and green theory. The fourth closes with non-governmental organizations' actions on environmental issues. The concluding section summarizes the findings. The study is supported by a research that explores posible answers to the enormous risks that humanity faces in environmental degradation and to the relatively low commitment from several sectors that insist on ignoring these realities. In short, it becomes an initial approximation to a more elaborated study on a topic not yet covered in depth in the country. ; Este artículo ofrece una revisión de variadas referencias orientadas a brindar explicaciones sobre la política global ambiental. El texto se divide en cuatro secciones; en la primera desarrolla los aportes del sistema de Naciones Unidas y el Informe Brundtland; en la segunda se remite a los primeros pasos de la comprensión conceptual; en la tercera desglosa el panorama de tránsito entre la política y la teoría verde, y en la cuarta cierra con la acción de los organismos no gubernamentales en temas ambientales y su respectiva sección concluyente. El trabajo académico está respaldado en un ejercicio de investigación que indagó por respuestas ante los enormes riesgos que vive la humanidad frente al deterioro ambiental y el relativamente bajo compromiso por parte de múltiples sectores que insisten en obviar dichas realidades. A su vez, se convierte en la primera aproximación de un estudio más elaborado sobre una temática aún no contemplada a profundidad en el país.

*Bayartsengel Damdinjav, Chuck Davis, Steven Jones, Zach Long, Claudia Risner, Sydney Sheppard, Christina Slentz Climate change is the global challenge of the twenty-first century, a threat that carries dire environmental, social, security, and economic implications for every region of the world. According to the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change, the primary driver of climate change is the increase in greenhouse gas emissions attributed to human activities. Although climate change must be met with a comprehensive global response in order to effectively address the effects of harmful greenhouse gases (GHG), these efforts depend on the actions taking place within nations. The United States, the greatest per-capita emitter of GHG, and China, that produces the largest amount of GHG overall, bear a good deal of responsibility for the problem. The United States, in particular, with its rejection of the Kyoto Protocol and its inability to craft a viable climate change agenda, has failed to offer the leadership needed to secure meaningful reductions in GHG. This essay seeks to establish perspective by profiling the political, social, and economic circumstances within six nations (three advanced industrial countries and three newly modernizing countries) and the European Union (EU) in order to better understand the dynamics involved in achieving a global solution to climate change.Case Studies1.- European UnionThe European Union has led the push for climate change regulationsto curb emissions 30% by 2030 and 80%-95% by 2050. To reach that goal, it has invested significant funds targetting 20% of the EU budget from 2014-2020 towards climate related measures. The EU believes that climate change policies will not only preserve the planet for generations to come but will also create greater long-term health and economic benefits. This position can be attributed to the lack of politicization of climate change in the EU allowing politicians to advocate forward thinking policies without the constant fear of political or electoral retribution. Furthermore, the close proximity of EU member states and their relatively small size creates an "all in this together" mentality allowing them to harness their resources to compete with larger world powers.2.- United KingdomWidely acknowledged as one of the foremost countries addressing climate change, the United Kingdom moved definitively to establish a science-based framework for approaching this global phenomenon even prior to the Earth Summit in Rio in 1992. This de-politicizing effort is revealed in the staunch support of conservatives like Margaret Thatcher, whose instrumental leadership set this critical tone and aided in the formation of the UN's Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change in 1990, and Tony Blair, who seized his 2005 G-8 presidential term as an opportunity to promote the reduction of GHG through mitigation technologies, sustainable energy, and adaptation strategies. The UK has fostered domestic integration of climate and energy policies to reduce ill effects at home as well as international cooperation in the form of a post-Kyoto strategy and the ongoing European Union's Emission Trading Scheme (ETS), designed to blend climate change collaborative goals of equity distribution and cost effectiveness.3.- CanadaCanada's efforts to address climate change can be best described as leaping forward, stepping back and, finally, standing in place. An original early proponent for mitigation since 1975, under the Chrétien administration in the 1990s, the country committed to relatively aggressive reductions - - a 30% decrease over projected 2010 emissions - - as part of the Kyoto Protocol. However, a clear implementation plan proved elusive until 2005, at which time "Project Green" successfully established meaningful initiatives. Although temporarily rolled back the following year under the more business-friendly Harper administration, a brief surge in climate change public awareness subsequently forced the return of some mitigation initiatives. Currently, climate change policy stagnation is largely explained by prioritizing economic growth over environmental concernsparticularly in the wake of the 2008 Credit Crisis.It is further complicated by Canada's neighbor to the south - - the administration of President Barack Obama who supports addressing GHG emissions and a clean energy future.4.- AustraliaAustralia's international position on climate change reflects its domestic policy agenda. For the first 10-years of the Kyoto Protocol, 1997-2007, Australia was a climate change laggard based on both its refusal to ratify the agreement and its largely symbolic GHG reduction policies. In 2007, Australia ratified the Protocol and implemented stringent abatement policies but is now reversing course. What caused the shifts Down Under? Two domestic factors, electoral interests and political leadership, are most influential. Compared to economic growth, voters' prioritization of environmental issues rose until 2007 and then declined. The political leadership within the Coalition government (1996-2007, reelected in 2013) favors business and the fossil fuel industry, and is skeptical of climate change. This stands in contrast to the Labor Party (2007-2013) that favors GHG emissions reductions. So, although Australia has committed internationally to a 5% reduction of 2000 level emissions by 2020, it still lacks a consistent domestic policy to achieve this goal. Russia Russia experienced massive industrial decline in the immediate aftermath of the Soviet Union's collapse in 1991. Despite the fact that there has been a significant reduction of GHG emissions, Russia still ranks third on the list of the largest greenhouse gas emitters in the world. Problems caused by climate change in recent decades include public health risks, increased recurrence, intensity and duration of droughts in some regions, extreme precipitation patterns, floods, and over-moisturized soil and permafrost degradation in the northern regions. However, the climate change issue does not constitute a priority for Russian authorities. Several internal factors, such as a well-rooted skepticism within the Russian scientific community towards anthropogenic global warming, low environmental awareness among Russian citizens, and the priority given to the country's economic restoration, suggests that Russian climate policy is to a great extent being driven by the pursuit of benefits in areas other than that of environmental policy.ChinaOne of the best ways to summarize China's approach to climate change is via a domestic politics model. Decisionmakers involved in China's climate change policy belong to the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) and there is little or no foreign influence over them. Among these decision makers, the most influential have managed to frame the issue as one of sovereignty and economic development. These hardliners see climate change as an issue that threatens China's sovereignty and its right to develop economically. As such, it has taken a stance of not joining any multilateral agreement until the U.S. does so. Thus, China's right to develop economically is assured. Domestically, China has made progress developing solar and wind technology for domestic use and for foreign markets. However, it continues to use fossil fuels, especially coal,to ensure that it develops along the lines deemed acceptable to the CCP.IndiaIndia's position on climate change is guided by two priorities - - namely, sustainable development and the elimination of poverty. With a growing economy that demands more energy for growth, there are hundreds of millions of people without access to electricity in India. Energy use and consequently greenhouse gas emissions will grow substantially in the coming decades. As a modernizing country, India is not bound to any GHG emission reduction goals under the Kyoto Protocol. However, it has established a National Action Plan on Climate Change and implemented a combination of mitigation and adaptation policies to reduce the country's contributions to climate change. These policies include energy conservation, promotion of renewable energy, abatement of air pollution among others. While India's development will require growth in energy use, the country must work to reduce the energy intensity of its production processes.Comparative AnalysisOn the basis of political, economic and social factors, a comparative analysis of the case studies reveals three key groupings: supporters of international climate change policy that involves implementing significant carbon mitigation reduction requirements; fickle hesitators who, if cooperative, face major reduction requirements; and unburdened supporters who face little-to-no mitigation requirements. The EU and the UK, as a climate change leader, fall into the first category, politically defined as highly democratic and economically and regionally integrated. The EU and the UK have softened views on sovereignty, have historically utilized the market for political/social ends, and normatively seek international cooperation as a means of reducing risk.For Canada and Australia,reduced support for international action on climate change is largely based on modern era socio-political attitudes and a perceived threat to their economic viability. Stemming from strong political views on state sovereignty, they are historically less likely to cooperate on international initiatives and, unlike the economically integrated EU and UK, are not willing to constrain markets in the name of political or social ends. These nations traditionally prefer individualistic as opposed to collective responses to major issues and consequently see cooperative action as risky.The newly modernizing countries of China, India and Russia exhibit different degrees of democracy and are not economically integrated nor fully industrialized. While highly centralized political authority is helpful in making international level commitments, enforcement capacity is hindered domestically. Willingness to cooperate is generally conditional upon gaining financial assistance and technical support needed for development. For China and Russia, the first priority is maintaining state authority and social well-being for the sake of stability. Environmental policy is put forward only when these priorities are not threatened. For India, the focus centers on lifting its population out of poverty that takes precedence over international climate change cooperation.ConclusionOverall, countries willing to cooperate internationally and make sacrifices to mitigate the causes of climate change perceive a lower economic and political threat for doing so than countries that refuse. In fact, the supporters of international climate change policy are more likely to view global warming as an all-encompassing economic, political, and social threat rather than as a discrete environmental threat. Having said this, they also see potential opportunities in assuming the role of early adaptors to climate change.Countries reluctant to support international cooperation face domestic political barriers that the comparative analysis above indicates is due primarily to economic perceptions and viability. Some countries that have rejected a commitment to international cooperation have, in fact, implemented national or sub-state abatement policies. At the same time, others ignore the threat entirely.In short, differences in behavior toward climate change indicates that not all countries perceive the threat the same. The task for climate change leaders, therefore, is to maintain their resolve to educate global populations such that perceptions of economic risk become less significant than perceptions of climate change risk. At the same time, they must offer best practices of reducing compliance costs and sharing knowledgeto build a clean energy agenda in order to ensure a sustainable global solution to climate change. *Students in the Graduate Program in International StudiesOld Dominion University, USAUnder the Direction of Professor Glen Sussman

This article analyzes the government programs of presidential candidates, who then became presidents of Chile (1990-2016); its objective is to find and explain the continuities and discontinuities reflected in the Foreign Policy sections. To analyze the most important topics, the Comparative Manifestos Project (CMP) methodology is used, which, by analyzing content, categorizes in 56 areas, the phrases or quasi-sentences of the candidates in the political programs or manifestos during the pre-election period. First, the importance of the Foreign Policy is identified in each program. Then, the results obtained in the CMP are described, identifying the priority topics. Finally, the results are explained within the national and international context to obtain the motivations that each of the candidates had to incorporate these topics in the highest position of their Foreign Policy agendas. ; Este artículo analiza los programas de gobierno de candidatos, que luego se convirtieron en presidentes de Chile (1990 - 2016), con el objetivo es encontrar y explicar continuidades y discontinuidades en sus apartados de Política Exterior. Para analizar los temas prioritarios en este apartado, se utiliza la metodología del Comparative Manifestos Project (CMP) que, mediante el análisis de contenido, categoriza en 56 áreas, las frases o cuasi-frases de los candidatos contenidas en los programas políticos o manifiestos durante el periodo preelectoral. Primero, se identifica la importancia de la Política Exterior en cada programa. Luego, se describen los resultados obtenidos en el CMP, identificando los temas prioritarios. Finalmente, se explican estos resultados dentro de su contexto nacional e internacional, para obtener las motivaciones que tuvo cada uno de los candidatos para incorporar estos temas en lo más alto de su agenda de Política Exterior

Actualmente, la Unión Europea se ha convertido en un importante destino migratorio donde se presta especial atención a este fenómeno, tanto en su política común como a nivel de cada estado. Esta situación, debida fundamentalmente a factores económicos y demográficos que se producen en las sociedades de origen y de llegada, ha ocasionado cambios sociales de indudable calado. La UE está desarrollando una política global sobre inmigración donde se le concede un importante lugar a la integración socioeducativa del colectivo foráneo, eje vertebrador del presente artículo. ; Nowadays, the European Union has turned into an important migratory destination that pays particular attention to this phenomenon, in the common policy and in state level. This situation, mainly due to economic and demographic factors in the societies of origin and arrival, has caused important social changes. The EU is developing a comprehensive immigration policy which grants very importance to the social and educative integration of foreign community.

La salud global es importante para cualquier enfermera en cualquier lugar del mundo. En este artículo detallamos por qué. Destacamos algunos problemas de salud importantes que enfrenta el mundo actualmente, estudiamos de qué manera se están abordando estos problemas y consideramos las repercusiones para la Enfermería. Describimos de qué manera las enfermeras están marcando la diferencia en los contextos problemáticos, la amplitud y complejidad del trabajo de Enfermería en todo el planeta y concluimos con una convocatoria para la acción. Las enfermeras pueden influenciar a los encargados de elaborar normas y a los políticos (además de pasar a desempeñar esos roles) y explicarles por qué las Metas de desarrollo sustentable no pueden alcanzarse sin fortalecer la Enfermería. En este Año Internacional de las Enfermeras y Parteras la ventana de las oportunidades está abierta, pero no será así por mucho tiempo. Tanto a nivel global como local, las enfermeras deben estar preparadas para aprovecharla. Les pedimos que se tomen de las manos y que se sumen a nosotros. ; Global health matters to every nurse everywhere. In this article we outline why. We highlight some important health issues confronting the world today; explore how these issues are being tackled; and consider the implications for nursing. We describe how nurses are making a difference in the challenging contexts, range and complexity of nursing work round the globe, and we conclude with a call to action. Nurses can influence, and become, policy-makers and politicians, and explain to them why the Sustainable Development Goals cannot be reached without strengthening nursing. In this International Year of the Nurse and Midwife, the window of opportunity is open, but it will not stay open for long. Nurses and midwives globally and locally must be ready to jump through it. We ask you to join hands, and join us. ; A saúde global importa para os enfermeiros do mundo todo. Neste artigo, descrevemos o motivo. Destacamos algumas questões de saúde importantes que o mundo está enfrentando atualmente; exploramos como essas questões estão sendo abordadas; e consideramos as implicações para a Enfermagem. Descrevemos como os enfermeiros estão fazendo a diferença nos contextos desafiadores, destacamos a extensão e a complexidade dos trabalhos dos enfermeiros ao redor do mundo, e concluímos com um apelo à ação. Os enfermeiros podem influenciar, e se tornarem, elaboradores de política e políticos, e explicar para eles o motivo pelo qual os Objetivos de Desenvolvimento Sustentável não podem ser alcançados sem fortalecer a Enfermagem. Neste Ano Internacional da Enfermagem e da Obstetrícia, a janela de oportunidade está aberta, mas não ficará aberta por muito tempo. Os enfermeiros e as parteiras devem estar prontos para atravessar essa janela, tanto em nível global quanto local. Pedimos que vocês deem as mãos e juntem-se a nós.

En este artículo se examina la manera como el Estado paraguayo enfrentó las dificultades para el establecimiento de una política exterior durante el periodo democrático, y los cambios suscitados a partir de las modificaciones de las relaciones de poder mundial en los últimos 20 años. Para ello, se realiza un análisis de la política exterior en el régimen dictatorial de la época de Stroessner. En segundo lugar, se observan las continuidades y discontinuidades dentro de la política externa durante el periodo de la transición democrática. En tercer lugar, se identifican los ejemplos de continuidad y discontinuidad más sobresalientes de la política externa del Paraguay durante los dos últimos periodos presidenciales. Por último, se concluye explicando los caminos que ha atravesado el Estado paraguayo en el proceso de transición para alcanzar los incipientes cambios en la política exterior hacia el final de la misma. ; This paper analyses the way as the Paraguay state has faced the difficulties in order to establish a foreign policy in the democratic period. The paper also evaluates the changes fostered by the global transformation in the world power relations in the last 20 years. To do so, we firstly analyze the foreign policy during the dictatorial regimen of Stroessner. Secondly, we examine the continuities and ruptures in the foreign policy during the period of democratic transition. Thirdly, we identify outstanding examples of continuity and rupture in the Paraguay foreign policy in the two last administrations. Finally, we conclude the paper explaining the difficulties experienced by the Paraguayan state in this transition period in order to achieve some changes in its foreign policy in the last year of this period. ; 105-127 ; larce@ cadep.org.py ; semestral

This article seeks to review and analyze the antecedents of the comprehensive early childhood care policy in Colombia, regarding the strategies and projects that have been advanced in different regions of the country, in relation to the needs of boys and girls, with the possibilities of reduce poverty and social vulnerability gaps. A reflection is made on the advances that the Colombian government has exposed regarding the comprehensive guarantee of the rights of the child. Some investigative antecedents around initial education are reviewed, nationally and internationally. In the same way, an analysis of early childhood policy in Colombia is carried out, from the 70s to the present day. ; Este artículo busca revisar y analizar antecedentes de la política de atención integral a la primera infancia en Colombia, respecto a las estrategias y proyectos que se han adelantado en distintas regiones del país, en relación a las necesidades de niños y niñas, con las posibilidades de reducir las brechas de pobreza y vulnerabilidad social. Se realiza una reflexión en torno a los avances que el gobierno colombiano ha expuesto repecto a la garantía integral en los derechos del niño y la niña. Se revisan algunos antecedentes investigativos en torno a la educación inicial, a nivel nacional e internacional. Del mismo modo, se realiza un análisis de la política de primera infancia en Colombia, desde los años 70 hasta la contemporaneidad.

El neoliberalismo fue sumamente importante en la transición para la actual fase de la modernidad. Pero desde los años 1990 un tipo de social liberalismo también es crucial en la organización de las formas presentes de dominación global, incluidas ahí las formas de gubernamentalidad que moldean las subjetividades contemporáneas. Este artículo investiga las formas de serialidades cerradas y políticas sectorizadas y focales que subyacen al social liberalismo. Se contraponen a ellas, aunque no de manera absoluta, una perspectiva de serialidades abiertas y políticas sociales universalistas, hacia una forma de solidaridad compleja. ; Neoliberalism was paramount in the transition to the present phase of modernity. But since the 1990s a sort of social liberalism has been also crucial to the organization of current forms of global domination, including the forms of governmentality that shape contemporary subjectivities. This article investigates the closed forms of seriality as well as sectoralized and target policies that underlie social liberalism. It is counter-posed to them, though not in an absolute manner, a perspective of open serialities and universalist social policies, towards a complex solidarity. ; O neoliberalismo foi altamente importante na transição para a atual fase da modernidade. Mas desde os anos 1990 um tipo de social liberalismo é também crucial na organização das formas presentes de dominação global, incluídas aí as formas de governamentalidade que moldam as subjetividades contemporâneas. Este artigo investiga as formas de serialidades fechadas e políticas setorializadas e focais que subjazem ao social liberalismo. Contrapõe-se a elas, embora não de maneira absoluta, uma perspectiva de serialidades abertas e políticas sociais universalistas, na direção de uma forma de solidariedade complexa.

El gran peligro presente, el peligro sin nombre que ha venido a reemplazar al comunismo, estriba en el riesgo de que la gran potencia mundial, de la que depende el mantenimiento de la paz y el sostenimiento de los principios liberales democraticos, abandone sus responsabilidades y permita que el orden internacional, que ella misma ha creado y sostiene, se desintegre. La década de los 90 fue una década de oportunidades perdidas para la politica exterior estadounidense ; algo imperdonable, si recordamos, como nos enseña la historia, que diez años es el tiempo que necesitó Hitler para convertirse en una letal amenaza para el resto del mundo. Liderazgo, cambio de régimen, inspiracion en las politicas que posibilitaron nuestra victoria en la Guerra Fria…nos hallamos ante los ingredientes de la receta en la que se basa la actual politica exterior de la Administracion Bush, ya claramente delineada en el año 2000, por dos de las principales fi guras del pensamiento neoconservador estadounidense. ; The great present danger, the nameless danger that has replaced communism is that the United States, the world's dominant power on whom the maintenance of international peace and the support of liberal principles depends, will shrink its responsibilities and allow that the international order that it created and sustains to collapse. The 1990s were a squandered decade for the American foreign policy; something regrettable if one recalls that 10 years is the time Hitler needed to become a lethal threat for the world. Leadership, regime change and inspiration on the tenets that guided American foreign policy through the most successful phases of the Cold war…those are the ingredients of the recipe on which the current foreign policy of the Bush administration is based as already designed in 2000 by two of the most infl uential neoconservative thinkers.